When
Marriage Acts are amended to bring same-sex couples within their ambit, those
couples become subject to the existing restrictions imposed by blood and family
ties (consanguinity and affinity) which forbid people from marrying someone too
‘close’ to them. So if a woman can’t marry her brother, uncle or nephew, she
can’t marry her sister, aunt or niece either. Simple, right? As far as it goes,
yes. But not once we consider the rationale behind consanguinity restrictions
and what the application of the ‘marriage equality’ paradigm to them is likely
to lead to.
Admittedly,
the effect of consanguinity on marriage custom is not quite as straightforward as
I have implied above.
In some ancient civilisations, consanguine marriage down to the level of incestuous marriage was obligatory among the nobility – the ultimate way of ‘keeping it in the family’. In ancient Greece, half-sibling (same father) matches were not unheard of among the aristocracy. First-cousin matches were common among European royal and aristocratic families well into modern times. For the upper classes of yesteryear, inheritance considerations pertaining to the transmission of property and title understandably trumped all other considerations when it came to mate selection. The first-cousins scenario raises the issue of the arbitrariness involved in judging how ‘close’ is ‘too close’ – in some states of the US, you can marry your first cousin; in some, you can’t. Cultural differences in attitude arise too: for instance, southern Asian societies, unlike most modern European societies, tend to endorse first-cousin marriages.
In some ancient civilisations, consanguine marriage down to the level of incestuous marriage was obligatory among the nobility – the ultimate way of ‘keeping it in the family’. In ancient Greece, half-sibling (same father) matches were not unheard of among the aristocracy. First-cousin matches were common among European royal and aristocratic families well into modern times. For the upper classes of yesteryear, inheritance considerations pertaining to the transmission of property and title understandably trumped all other considerations when it came to mate selection. The first-cousins scenario raises the issue of the arbitrariness involved in judging how ‘close’ is ‘too close’ – in some states of the US, you can marry your first cousin; in some, you can’t. Cultural differences in attitude arise too: for instance, southern Asian societies, unlike most modern European societies, tend to endorse first-cousin marriages.
Variations
notwithstanding, the avoidance of close (as defined by local standards) ‘in-marrying’
has been a widespread social norm for centuries. To get to the nitty-gritty, sexual
relations between people who are too closely related have generally been
frowned upon by societies and legal systems throughout history, even inviting
capital punishment in some. Incest remains a social and legal taboo – you
simply don’t go to bed with your close relatives. So, the gender issue aside, you
can’t marry them either. But why not?
The
consanguinity restrictions are underpinned by an excellent biological rationale
– the avoidance of in-breeding. In-breeding brings out deleterious traits,
mostly by ‘doubling up’ the genes underlying them. It also results in the rapid
spread of a ‘bad gene’ throughout a small gene pool. (As animal breeders can
tell you, in-breeding can be a good thing too – you can ‘double up’ the ‘good’
genes, or increase the prevalence of a desirable gene in your breeding stock,
and improve a lineage – but you may have to weed out some of the undesirable
genetic matter by eliminating affected stock on the way.) Most closely
in-marrying groups ended up paying the price for in-breeding. The Spanish
Habsburg royal line ended after generations of in-breeding with the misshapen,
dysfunctional and sterile Charles II who died at the age of 38 in 1700. Generations
of NZ sixth form Biology students have learned about the spread of the
haemophilia gene within European royal families in the 19th and
early 20th centuries. Nature discourages in-breeding through
built-in mechanisms in animals and plants to avoid, or at least minimise it;
after all, sex evolved because of the adaptive potential brought about by the
mixing of genetic material from different parents. Contentious but worthy of
note in this context is the Westermarck Effect, which posits that people have a
natural tendency to not be sexually attracted to relatives whom they grow up
with, although it can be overridden by attitudes and values imbued by culture
and upbringing.
It seems
superfluous to draw the reader’s attention to the fact that this rationale
presupposes that marriage is between two people who potentially form a biologically fertile unit – a woman and a man. That
some ‘hetero’ couples are infertile through nature or choice is irrelevant to
the application of the consanguinity restrictions – a sterile man wanting to
marry his sterile sister or niece, or a closely-related elderly couple, are
still prohibited from doing so; being a male-female unit, the ‘potential’ is inherently there, however unlikely it is
to materialise. But the biological rationale for the consanguinity rules makes
no sense in the context of two women or two men, as there simply can be no
progeny produced between them, and hence there is no possibility of
in-breeding. To apply the restrictions to ‘homo’ couples is accordingly absurd.
So why do we do it? I hear someone saying, “Because they have to be treated the
same as ‘hetero’ couples, dummy – ‘marriage equality’, remember?”
Wait a
minute, though. There are two ways of treating the two kinds of couples
‘equally’ – one is by applying the consanguinity rules to both, and the other
is by applying them to neither.
I just gave
my crystal ball a hard rub and this is what it reveals for the foreseeable
future. First, a ‘homo’ couple who are forbidden from marrying because of consanguinity
will challenge the restriction, arguing that the rule ought not to apply to
them because it is irrational to do so given that there are no grounds for it
where a sexual liaison can not conceivably bear fruit. The case will probably
have to go all the way to a Supreme Court or a supranational court such as the
European Court of Human Rights, but in the end they will win their case and be
allowed to marry. Next, a ‘hetero’ couple of the same degree of affinity as
that ‘homo’ couple will go to court arguing that to apply the consanguinity
rules to them and not to the ‘homo’ couple is discriminatory; if a man can
marry his male relative, he can marry his female relative of the same degree of
affinity. And they will win too, says my crystal ball.
Does this portend
the demise of the consanguinity rules? It will certainly put pressure on them.
If the couples involved are first cousins challenging the restriction in a
jurisdiction that forbids first-cousin marriage, there is always the argument
that the restriction at that level is not consistently applied across
jurisdictions anyway, so setting aside the rule brings that jurisdiction into
line with the rest. But what if they – or the next – couple to make an
application are uncle/nephew or aunt/niece? And how long will it be before we
are talking about a pair of true siblings (same father and mother)? Are we on
the threshold of legitimising incest through marriage? We do seem to be gazing
down a very slippery slope!
A quick
Google search will reveal the emergence of an assertive ‘marriage equality for all, including blood relatives’
movement. The current mood is conducive to that cause: we have, through
legislation, seemingly convinced ourselves that the only thing that matters in
relation to permission to marry is that people ‘love’ eachother (i.e. have sex
together) and that it is wrong to make any distinction between couples based on
their genders because that’s ‘discrimination’. Given those assumptions, the vignettes
played out on my glass oracle become near certainties. We have backed ourselves
into a corner.
The ensuing
quandary – whether to impose on some couples a rule for whom it can not
possibly have any consequence, or to simply dispense with the rules that
prevent in-breeding – has come about as a result of the ‘redefinition’ of marriage.
The very existence of consanguinity restrictions is a compelling reminder that
marriage is, by definition, heterosexual. This assertion has nothing to do with
‘homophobia’ as it does not denigrate people on the basis of their sexual
preference – whom people go to bed with is their private business. But marriage
as a social and legal institution has certain functions that can be fulfilled
only in the context of opposite-sex liaisons. The dilemma is a secondary
absurdity arising from the primary absurdity of amending marriage law to
encompass same-sex couples. Hopefully, a muddle such as the one my crystal ball
has revealed will prompt legislators to revisit what is simply bad law.
2 comments:
'…those couples become subject to the existing restrictions…'
Or do they? Not unless the lawmakers make this explicit. From what I can tell, they have not done so in Canada nor in any of her provinces, nor in Massachusetts nor Iowa, nor in Connecticut until this year.
What do those jurisdictions have in common? The lawmakers were judges, rather than legislators or voters. Consanguinity was not an issue in the cases brought before them, so they couldn't touch it. And there apparently is no hurry on the part of the voters or their solons to take it up.
So your crystal ball lags a bit. A couple need merely pay a visit to Winnepeg or Glace Bay, Dubuque or Sioux City or Chargoggagoggmanchauggagoggchaubunagungamaugg, marry legally, and return home to sue. We're halfway there!
I have to revise the above comment. Apparently Canada did alter her Marriage (Prohibited Degrees) Act
(S.C. 1990, c. 46) by changing 'brother and sister' to 'brother OR sister' in 2005. What a difference a word makes!
But the advice for Iowa and Massachusetts stands, because these words stand:
[Massachusetts] Chapter 207: Section 1. Marriage of man to certain relatives.
Section 1. No man shall marry his mother, grandmother, daughter, granddaughter, sister, stepmother, grandfather's wife, grandson's wife, wife's mother, wife's grandmother, wife's daughter, wife's granddaughter, brother's daughter, sister's daughter, father's sister or mother's sister.
[Iowa] 595.19 Void marriages.
1. Marriages between the following persons who are related by blood are void:
a. Between a man and his father'ssister, mother's sister,daughter,sister, son's daughter, daughter'sdaughter,brother's daughter,or sister's daughter.
b. Between a woman and her father's brother, mother's brother, son,brother, son's son, daughter's son,brother's son, or sister's son.
c. Between first cousins.
So a man can marry his father, uncle or brother in Iowa, but not his cousin.
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