Anthropologist Anne Salmond is probably in the “bargaining” stage, worrying about the polarising impetus of the new government and New Zealand’s political system. She’s concerned that the public will get too polarised and disorientated by all the change: “Voters are also confused and conflicted, looking for clear-cut choices (left vs right; Māori vs Pākehā) or someone to blame (biased media or business lobbyists, ‘woke’ intellectuals or neo-liberal think tanks, take your pick)” – see: In praise of the middle ground.
Salmond wants to see the new Government being more inclusive and consultative with the Opposition and the public. Her answer is the use of “citizens’ assemblies, in which a representative range of New Zealanders explore key issues and arrive at recommendations by consensus – rather like debates on marae”.
Perhaps at the “depression” stage (or maybe even “anger” stage) is TVNZ’s Chief Correspondent John Campbell who seems to want to lead the fightback against the conservative parties in government. He’s written a lengthy and thoughtful “2023 in review” essay, which paints a picture of the administration as a populist one that will be extremely damaging to the country – see: Are we on the cusp of something new or something old?
Campbell worries that the new Government is taking New Zealand away from inclusivity and progress towards division and reaction. Like Salmond, he blames the parties in the new government for being polarising and divisive. And he describes the government as being underpinned by a very reactionary populism, and he provides the following definition: “Populism is a style of politics that manipulates and exacerbates identity cleavages for political gain.” This is a threat, he suggests, to democracy and social cohesion.
It’s the new government’s orientation to Māori that Campbell is most focused on, together with Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s stated intention to govern in favour of “all” when he’s really “operating from a position of blinkered privilege” in favour of other privileged groups.
Some conservatives have challenged Campbell’s analysis. Journalist Karl du Fresne objects especially to Campbell’s apparent misuse of “his position as a high-profile journalist” in “petulantly and very publicly railing against a government that his fellow New Zealanders voted for” – see: An epic display of dummy-spitting.
Du Fresne highlights that there is something of a powerful liberal resistance building to the new Government: “the government has a problem. It owns two powerful media organisations, TVNZ and RNZ, that are essentially hostile to it and will function as centres of resistance to its policies. Democratically speaking, this is intolerable.”
An even more interesting analysis of this is put forward by conservative political commentator Liam Hehir in his paywalled Patreon column, Contra John Campbell (paywalled).
He says that liberals like Campbell shouldn’t be too worried about the National-led Government bulldozing all the liberal accomplishments of the last government, because the resistance of all the liberal institutions – especially in Wellington – will be able to effectively slow down and possibly defeat the Government’s progress.
Hehir uses the increasingly popular concept of “The Blob” – vested interests within the liberal and public service establishment – to explain how the National-led administration will be thwarted: “While the initial energy from the new administration has been surprisingly vigorous, it is unrealistic to expect this momentum to be sustained. It’s simply not possible to have a liberal news media, a liberal entertainment sector, a liberal bureaucracy, and liberal universities, then anticipate that a liberal-conservative government can readily impose a conservative or populist agenda over any kind of duration. If the government has to fight against the blob every step of the way, the blob will eventually prevail, because it simply has more staying power than elected politicians do.”
Using the five stages of grief concept, Hehir argues that John Campbell and Anne Salmond represent the “depression” stage of grief, and says that such liberals are losing faith in democracy, becoming increasingly elitist in their analysis and solutions to the problem of their opponents getting voted into power.
Hehir also challenges the notion that in “re-balancing” the state’s orientation to the use of English and te reo Māori, or their shift away from culturalist approaches to delivery for Māori, the conservative parties are being hostile to Māori.
Instead, he believes that such changes – introduced by a Cabinet that has the most Māori ministers in history – will be widely welcomed alongside a new focus on improving material outcomes for the public: “we can probably intuit a sense of decolonisation fatigue from voters. The previous government prioritised cultural reforms and that represents a disproportionate share of what the last government visibly did, especially compared to economic reforms which never really eventuated. In a year that saw real economic hardship, a desire on the part of the public for a more balanced approach that also addresses economic concerns.”
Similarly, in The Post, Max Rashbrooke cautions fellow liberals against being overly pessimistic about the rollback of Labour’s more liberal reforms. He even warns against too much emphasis on the oft-stated argument that Luxon’s government is “the most right-wing government since the 1990s” – “although true, this simply implies that Luxon is more right-wing than John Key – hardly a very high bar”. See: How we progress by reaction and counter-reaction (paywalled).
Rashbrooke argues that the current backlash against liberal reforms is merely to be expected: “Governments always push against their predecessors, and Jacinda Ardern’s administration was – in intent if not in delivery – more left-wing than Helen Clark’s one. Recent attempts at co-governance and devolution to Māori, however half-hearted, have surpassed anything Clark initiated; and so the backlash is stronger.”
A bit like Hehir, Rashbrooke views the “ebb and flow” or re-balancing of public debate on Treaty issues as predictable and even understandable: “Opposition to co-governance and Māori political structures may stem partly from racism, but many New Zealanders are simply unsettled by change or unclear on the concepts. This is hardly surprising, given the last government’s notorious reluctance to actually define or defend co-governance.”
The Herald’s Fran O’Sullivan argues in the weekend that Luxon will need to be particularly adept in his leadership in 2024 to deal “with the mounting backlash to policies negotiated by National’s coalition partners such as Treaty issues (Act) and the culture wars (New Zealand First)” – see: Christopher Luxon needs to embrace chairman’s role (paywalled).
To get New Zealand through the economic rocky times of 2024 and start transforming infrastructure and productivity, Luxon will need to be an extremely skilled leader according to O’Sullivan. And he can’t rely on being charismatic like former PMs like David Lange or Jacinda Ardern, but “the fact Luxon is not a charismatic leader is a political asset. He can’t rely on passion or glib one-liners. It means he has to concentrate and deliver on the challenges at hand.”
O’Sullivan says Luxon will be equipped to do this with the help of his “kitchen cabinet” of Nicola Willis, Chris Bishop, Simeon Brown and Paul Goldsmith.
Finally, John Campbell has been suggested by some as the right person to be TVNZ’s next political editor, following on from the news that Jessica Mutch McKay has resigned to become a lobbyist for the ANZ bank – see Shayne Currie’s Political editor Jessica Mutch McKay quits TVNZ for top ANZ bank corporate role (paywalled).
Poaching Mutch McKay is a great win for the ANZ, which is the country’s largest bank, and is chaired by former Prime Minister John Key. She comes in as the “head of government relations and corporate responsibility” at a crucial time when banks are under especially strong public scrutiny and the possibility of greater regulation.
Shayne Currie reports: “Mutch McKay’s new role will see her play a critical role in ANZ’s relationship with the new coalition government. She is set to help play a leading role in presenting and communicating the bank’s position on proposed policies and other legislation that will impact the business and wider banking industry.”
Her new boss is long-time top lobbyist Peter Parussini who is reported as saying “Jessica has a very strong understanding of the issues facing business and the banking industry”. The article suggests that Mutch McKay has been employed in the lobbying role because after being the top press gallery journalist, she is “well-connected and well-respected across government and the media and communications industries.”
But it doesn’t necessarily mean we will no longer get Mutch McKay’s political analysis. The New Zealand media has a particular penchant for using corporate lobbyists as political commentators, and it might not be long before she is helping shape public opinion in this role. After all, her lobbyist boss Peter Parussini is also well connected at the corporate level of media, having been head of corporate affairs at TVNZ, and recently on the Board of Governors for Radio New Zealand. So, Mutch McKay’s political influence as a lobbyist will continue to be huge in New Zealand public life.
Dr Bryce Edwards is a Policy Analyst in Residence at Victoria University of Wellington, where he runs the Democracy Project, and is a full-time researcher in the School of Government. This article was originally published HERE.
Salmond wants to see the new Government being more inclusive and consultative with the Opposition and the public. Her answer is the use of “citizens’ assemblies, in which a representative range of New Zealanders explore key issues and arrive at recommendations by consensus – rather like debates on marae”.
Perhaps at the “depression” stage (or maybe even “anger” stage) is TVNZ’s Chief Correspondent John Campbell who seems to want to lead the fightback against the conservative parties in government. He’s written a lengthy and thoughtful “2023 in review” essay, which paints a picture of the administration as a populist one that will be extremely damaging to the country – see: Are we on the cusp of something new or something old?
Campbell worries that the new Government is taking New Zealand away from inclusivity and progress towards division and reaction. Like Salmond, he blames the parties in the new government for being polarising and divisive. And he describes the government as being underpinned by a very reactionary populism, and he provides the following definition: “Populism is a style of politics that manipulates and exacerbates identity cleavages for political gain.” This is a threat, he suggests, to democracy and social cohesion.
It’s the new government’s orientation to Māori that Campbell is most focused on, together with Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s stated intention to govern in favour of “all” when he’s really “operating from a position of blinkered privilege” in favour of other privileged groups.
Some conservatives have challenged Campbell’s analysis. Journalist Karl du Fresne objects especially to Campbell’s apparent misuse of “his position as a high-profile journalist” in “petulantly and very publicly railing against a government that his fellow New Zealanders voted for” – see: An epic display of dummy-spitting.
Du Fresne highlights that there is something of a powerful liberal resistance building to the new Government: “the government has a problem. It owns two powerful media organisations, TVNZ and RNZ, that are essentially hostile to it and will function as centres of resistance to its policies. Democratically speaking, this is intolerable.”
An even more interesting analysis of this is put forward by conservative political commentator Liam Hehir in his paywalled Patreon column, Contra John Campbell (paywalled).
He says that liberals like Campbell shouldn’t be too worried about the National-led Government bulldozing all the liberal accomplishments of the last government, because the resistance of all the liberal institutions – especially in Wellington – will be able to effectively slow down and possibly defeat the Government’s progress.
Hehir uses the increasingly popular concept of “The Blob” – vested interests within the liberal and public service establishment – to explain how the National-led administration will be thwarted: “While the initial energy from the new administration has been surprisingly vigorous, it is unrealistic to expect this momentum to be sustained. It’s simply not possible to have a liberal news media, a liberal entertainment sector, a liberal bureaucracy, and liberal universities, then anticipate that a liberal-conservative government can readily impose a conservative or populist agenda over any kind of duration. If the government has to fight against the blob every step of the way, the blob will eventually prevail, because it simply has more staying power than elected politicians do.”
Using the five stages of grief concept, Hehir argues that John Campbell and Anne Salmond represent the “depression” stage of grief, and says that such liberals are losing faith in democracy, becoming increasingly elitist in their analysis and solutions to the problem of their opponents getting voted into power.
Hehir also challenges the notion that in “re-balancing” the state’s orientation to the use of English and te reo Māori, or their shift away from culturalist approaches to delivery for Māori, the conservative parties are being hostile to Māori.
Instead, he believes that such changes – introduced by a Cabinet that has the most Māori ministers in history – will be widely welcomed alongside a new focus on improving material outcomes for the public: “we can probably intuit a sense of decolonisation fatigue from voters. The previous government prioritised cultural reforms and that represents a disproportionate share of what the last government visibly did, especially compared to economic reforms which never really eventuated. In a year that saw real economic hardship, a desire on the part of the public for a more balanced approach that also addresses economic concerns.”
Similarly, in The Post, Max Rashbrooke cautions fellow liberals against being overly pessimistic about the rollback of Labour’s more liberal reforms. He even warns against too much emphasis on the oft-stated argument that Luxon’s government is “the most right-wing government since the 1990s” – “although true, this simply implies that Luxon is more right-wing than John Key – hardly a very high bar”. See: How we progress by reaction and counter-reaction (paywalled).
Rashbrooke argues that the current backlash against liberal reforms is merely to be expected: “Governments always push against their predecessors, and Jacinda Ardern’s administration was – in intent if not in delivery – more left-wing than Helen Clark’s one. Recent attempts at co-governance and devolution to Māori, however half-hearted, have surpassed anything Clark initiated; and so the backlash is stronger.”
A bit like Hehir, Rashbrooke views the “ebb and flow” or re-balancing of public debate on Treaty issues as predictable and even understandable: “Opposition to co-governance and Māori political structures may stem partly from racism, but many New Zealanders are simply unsettled by change or unclear on the concepts. This is hardly surprising, given the last government’s notorious reluctance to actually define or defend co-governance.”
The Herald’s Fran O’Sullivan argues in the weekend that Luxon will need to be particularly adept in his leadership in 2024 to deal “with the mounting backlash to policies negotiated by National’s coalition partners such as Treaty issues (Act) and the culture wars (New Zealand First)” – see: Christopher Luxon needs to embrace chairman’s role (paywalled).
To get New Zealand through the economic rocky times of 2024 and start transforming infrastructure and productivity, Luxon will need to be an extremely skilled leader according to O’Sullivan. And he can’t rely on being charismatic like former PMs like David Lange or Jacinda Ardern, but “the fact Luxon is not a charismatic leader is a political asset. He can’t rely on passion or glib one-liners. It means he has to concentrate and deliver on the challenges at hand.”
O’Sullivan says Luxon will be equipped to do this with the help of his “kitchen cabinet” of Nicola Willis, Chris Bishop, Simeon Brown and Paul Goldsmith.
Finally, John Campbell has been suggested by some as the right person to be TVNZ’s next political editor, following on from the news that Jessica Mutch McKay has resigned to become a lobbyist for the ANZ bank – see Shayne Currie’s Political editor Jessica Mutch McKay quits TVNZ for top ANZ bank corporate role (paywalled).
Poaching Mutch McKay is a great win for the ANZ, which is the country’s largest bank, and is chaired by former Prime Minister John Key. She comes in as the “head of government relations and corporate responsibility” at a crucial time when banks are under especially strong public scrutiny and the possibility of greater regulation.
Shayne Currie reports: “Mutch McKay’s new role will see her play a critical role in ANZ’s relationship with the new coalition government. She is set to help play a leading role in presenting and communicating the bank’s position on proposed policies and other legislation that will impact the business and wider banking industry.”
Her new boss is long-time top lobbyist Peter Parussini who is reported as saying “Jessica has a very strong understanding of the issues facing business and the banking industry”. The article suggests that Mutch McKay has been employed in the lobbying role because after being the top press gallery journalist, she is “well-connected and well-respected across government and the media and communications industries.”
But it doesn’t necessarily mean we will no longer get Mutch McKay’s political analysis. The New Zealand media has a particular penchant for using corporate lobbyists as political commentators, and it might not be long before she is helping shape public opinion in this role. After all, her lobbyist boss Peter Parussini is also well connected at the corporate level of media, having been head of corporate affairs at TVNZ, and recently on the Board of Governors for Radio New Zealand. So, Mutch McKay’s political influence as a lobbyist will continue to be huge in New Zealand public life.
Dr Bryce Edwards is a Policy Analyst in Residence at Victoria University of Wellington, where he runs the Democracy Project, and is a full-time researcher in the School of Government. This article was originally published HERE.
17 comments:
So when did Western Democracy morph into Western Corporatocracy?
An economic, political and judicial system controlled by business corporations or corporate interests.
Houston, we have a problem!
We have had 6 years of an extreme liberal agenda and the ability to push back against has been severely restricted. Fortunately, Labour dropped the ball at crucial points. For example, an attempt to slip through political opinion as a form of hate speech was dropped and eventually they decided to leave hate speech until after the election. Widely reported global news stories about New Zealand were curiously not reported in the NZ media. What just happened here was dangerous and as some commentators have suggested we aren't out of the woods yet. We also have much extreme legislation that will not reversed. We still have the likes of John Campbell with a megaphone in the media pushing ideas that the public has very little space to debate.
I am very heartened by this government. The electorate has brought in a government that has National being its usual centrist self. And then there is Winston Peters and David Seymour who are really keen to make a difference and make some changes and actually govern. To be fair some of the National ministers also appear to have some zeal – our new finance minister and our new education minister seem to be very keen to sort out the economy and do something about our appalling education statistics.
I am hopeful that 2024 will see a parliament that absolutely gets stuck in. On race relations the government is keen to establish that we are one nation, New Zealand, with one rule of law for all. And that is not racist. That is the opposite of racist.
If this government can lower inflation, boost productivity, get our children back in school and reorganise our health system they would have done more for racial minorities and indeed everybody, than the previous six years of the Labour government. It will take time, but this country needs turning around and this government seems up for it. More power to them I say!
"Campbell worries that the new Government is taking New Zealand away from inclusivity and progress towards division and reaction."
Ha! Classic woke "progressive" reverse psychology in action.
It should, of course, read the other way round. But John's too far up his rear end, along with all his other woke mates, festering with resentment because the bunch of incompetents, racists, gender extremists and all-round wacko Lefties he adores were rejected.
I'm very disappointed in Mutch-Mackay. Not in leaving TVNZ - she's to be encouraged in that. But taking the big banks payoff. Not very Left-wing that...or is it? After all, hypocrisy is right at the top of modern socialisms list of attributes so I guess it was entirely expected.
No doubt Jess will justify it as a chance to change corporate banking from within, make it more inclusive, that sort of total bollocks. No doubt that'll make it easier for her to accept her enormous pay packet every month.
It's time to go for the throat of state media. Some are already deserting the sinking ship. Get in there, clean out the boards, senior management and editorial staff and insufferable cry-babies like Campbell.
This would be a good dry run for dealing with the public service in general.
I want Deem to lead this country!
Awwww - I'm very, very particular about the meaning of words. Conservative and Liberal - yeesss. Progressive? What? Surprisingly I really like 'woke' although I could not define it. I love 'truth', 'history' ('though contestable) research, statistics, bullshit.
I do wish John Campbell well - on a comfy atoll without Wi-Fi.
Agree
This would be simple to do for relevant ministries and the MSM:
1. Minister's Letter of expectation and time limit (6 months)
2. remove Boards if no improvement.
The Coalition has nothing to lose and all to gain - it should realize that the Opposition ( x 3) is gunning for a 1-term mandate - and so will make life as tough as possible.
Get going!
To: Dr Edwards
From: Dr xxxx
R: Hold on a second !
Are you serious? X,Y and Z and fretting and want "consultation , consultation consultation......"
Really? Where was Labour/ Ardern's consultation as she instigated an agenda - by stealth without any mention in the Labour manifesto or subsequent consultation - to transform our democracy into an ethnocracy? (i,e, privilege and ultimate power for a specific and partial ancestry-based minority).
The NZ people will always remember this.
Bryce baby - please get real and grow up!
DeeM, can you tell me why you are not writing your own column? That said, comments (esp yours) are so valuable to a story for balance/confirmation......perhaps the reason the sick and dying MSM don't do comments on important debates. Peter
It is disheartening for me as a pristine British English user to see so many commentators using the term 'liberal' to refer to the marxofascists. I am an Enlightenment liberal - someone who abides by 'live and let live' and lets people make their own choices as long as those do not impede on the freedom of others.
The true liberal finds himself/herself the meat in the sandwich between right-wing totalitarianism and left-wing totalitarianism.
Maybe I'm ignorant (and probably someone will say I am), but I thought that news media was about news, not views. I also thought that people like John Campbell, Jessica and many others like them were news media journalists - but they present us with views and not news, so, in my view, they are not. So, after a lifetime of news media subscriptions, I have cancelled mine because pretty much all I get in my news media is views. Not what I was getting in the past and what I was paying for. Additionally, if I were to accept views, I would expect them to be balanced. But they are far from it. Perhaps I am old-fashioned.
Sir, I am a liberal!
As such I strenuously object to your use of the word.
What you mean is "communist" or the gutless understudy "socialist".
Please use these words instead of the personal assault on myself and ACT voters like me.
For further clarification I value personal responsibility very highly, vote, as I noted, ACT (every election bar one since ACT's formation) and, so far, support most of the moves of the new government.
I also want every senior member of Government from 2017-2023(Oct that year) arrested and charged, tried and convicted of treason, attempting to destroy New Zealand and gross corruption.
The liberal in me would sentence them to public flogging and being driven, naked, through the streets rather the the hanging, drawing and quartering they have earned.
That, of course, should be reserved for Bryce Edwards for calling the scum "Liberals".
As far as I am concerned Mutch McKay and her boss should go find some real jobs.
Something productive to help the country.
Proof is the nz herald running.an article today about cindy's wedding. As if any kiwi cares about that evil old horse. They are so completely out of touch.
We’ve been on a big curve left to woke stupidity. With no apology we need to turn back up
Has anyone asked John Campbell how inclusive a separate maori health authority is?
The man is a twat.
As for Jessica Mutch McKay's move to ANZ, if I was an account holder with that Aussie-owned bank I would withdraw every last cent and give them the famous two-up sign.
Well said Tinman. Tell it the way it is. Ardern introduced a Marxist dictatorship that, if allowed to continue, NZ would have been well on its way to joining America’s crumbling empire. The Dems have the same death wish and protected by a totally corrupt MSM. If you don’t believe me tune into the Voice from America, Richard Arnold, on the Hosking morning show and listen to his praise for Biden’s destructive policies.
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