With
schools returning this week, the usual debates have already started about the
respective merits of government and non-government schools and the best way to
make Australian students more competitive given unsatisfactory results in
international literacy and numeracy tests. But equally if not more important is
the fact that over the next 12 months the Federal Government plans to review
the roles and responsibilities of the Commonwealth, states and territories when
it comes to managing schools.
As noted in
Issues Paper 4 - Roles and
Responsibilities in Education, released just before Christmas, the hope is to identify the best way
to balance accountability, subsidiarity, equity, efficiency, effectiveness and
fiscal sustainability across Australia's education systems and schools.
While not
dealt with in the issues paper, one solution, in opposition to a command and
control, top-down, centralised model, involves a more market-driven approach to
education represented by school autonomy and increased diversity and choice
involving well resourced government and non-government schools.
Education
systems both here and overseas are implementing programs like the
Commonwealth-funded Independent Public Schools initiative designed to give
government schools greater autonomy. Similar to the flexibility and freedom
enjoyed by non-government schools, the belief is that increased local control,
what is known as subsidiarity in the Catholic system, leads to stronger
outcomes and schools being better able to reflect the needs and aspirations of
their communities.
The move to
school autonomy is part of a wider movement arguing that choice and diversity
in education, represented by the existence of government and non-government
schools, is "a tide that lifts all boats" in terms of raising
standards.
Unfortunately,
Australia's major public sector teacher union, the Australian Education Union,
has a long history of opposing school choice, represented by the existence and
continued funding of non-government schools, and is also opposed to granting
government schools increased, albeit limited, autonomy.
In its
submission to the Gonski school funding review commissioned when Julia Gillard
was education minister, the AEU opposes the proposition that "all systems
and students have an equal entitlement to public funding".
The union
goes on to argue, "Although substantial government funding to private
schools has become entrenched in Australia in recent decades, we believe there
is no pre-existing, pre-determined entitlement to public funding; i.e. there is
no a priori justification for public funding of private schools."
The AEU
bases its argument on the belief that only government schools are open to all
and best able to serve the common good. As argued by Angelo Gavrielatos, the
then AEU president, when criticising market-driven initiatives like school
vouchers, "A voucher system to fund each individual's education represents
the absolute commodification of education, smashing any notion of public
education for the common good."
The union
argues "public schools have a legal and moral responsibility to be open to
all students; private schools do not and are not". The AEU also argues
that the existence of non-government schools "residualises"
government schools and diverts much needed funding to Catholic and independent
schools that are supposedly already well resourced and privileged.
Ignored is
that government schools are not open to all students as many are selective
secondary schools where enrolment is based on academic ability. It is also the
case that many of the most successful and popular government schools in
metropolitan areas are in enrolment zones where only wealthy parents can afford
to buy property.
The
Australian Education Union is also apposed to school autonomy programs like the
Independent Public Schools initiatives. A research paper commissioned by the
union claims that "there is no evidence that devolution in its myriad
forms has itself led to improved student achievement".
Ignored is
the research by the German academic Ludger Woessmann that concludes,
"Across countries, students tend to perform better in schools that have
autonomy in personnel and day-to-day decisions."
Instead of
welcoming increased flexibility and local control over schools, however limited
in nature, the AEU clearly prefers government schools to remain under the
control of centralised bureaucracies.
Such a
situation ensures that there is an incentive for teachers to join the union,
thus increasing membership, and guarantees that the union and its executive
have a major role to play in negotiating industrial agreements.
The AEU's
view is in opposition to concerns raised by principals' associations about over
regulation and micro-management and the need for greater school autonomy. A
survey of principals showed the presence of significant stress caused by the
"lack of autonomy/authority".
A recent
survey of Australian primary school principals, while arguing that autonomy, by
itself, is not enough to guarantee improved outcomes, concludes that school
leaders prefer increased flexibility and choice at the local level.
In relation
to curriculum, the survey concludes that "The ideal level of freedom
reported by all principals is greater than the current level. Government school
principals see a 30% increase in significant or total freedom to 70% as
ideal."
Notwithstanding
the AEU's opposition to Independent Public Schools, it is also true that an
evaluation of the early stages of the Western Australian program presents a
favourable account. The evaluation concludes, "Overall, the story of the
implementation of the IPS initiative is a positive one, with the concept of IPS
being agreeable to most principals in Western Australia".
Not
unexpectedly, schools are more effective and more conducive to stronger
learning outcomes when teachers chosen to teach in a particular school support
its direction. It is easier to imbue a sense of common purpose and collegiality
when there is such agreement and it is also important to be able to tailor the
curriculum to suit local circumstances.
As argued
by Melbourne-based Professor Brian Caldwell:
There is a powerful
educational logic to locating a higher level of authority, responsibility and
accountability for curriculum, teaching and assessment at the school level.
Each school has a unique mix of students in respect to their needs, interests,
aptitudes and ambitions; indeed, each classroom has a unique mix.
It should
also be acknowledged that the Australian Education Union and one of its
predecessors, the Victorian Secondary Teachers Association, have not always
apposed school autonomy. During the 70s and 80s, a time of de-schooling and the
rise of community-based schools freed from centralised and bureaucratic
management, progressive teacher unions advocated innovation, flexibility and
choice at the local level.
Such is the
evidence supporting school autonomy that the UK's
'Schools White Paper 2010' concludes, "Across the world, the case for the benefits of school
autonomy has been established beyond doubt".
While
placing a number of caveats, a 2014 report evaluating school autonomy by the
Victorian Competition and Efficiency Commission is also positive when it
states, "Increased autonomy, effectively implemented, has the potential to
enhance performance and therefore the competitiveness of the government school
sector...".
Dr Kevin Donnelly is a senior research fellow at the
Australian Catholic University and he taught for 18 years in government and
non-government schools.
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