On 11 March 1845, Hōne Heke and his warriors chopped down the British flagstaff at Kororāreka (officially renamed Russell in 1844) for the fourth time. Modern commemorations often frame it as a heroic stand for Māori sovereignty. But the real story is far messier.
Hōne Heke had in fact been the first chief to sign the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840. His later rebellion was not triggered by some newly discovered constitutional betrayal. The immediate grievances were far more practical.
When the colonial government shifted the capital from the Bay of Islands to Auckland in 1841, Kororāreka’s economy collapsed almost overnight. Ships that had once crowded the harbour began docking in Auckland instead. Trade dried up, customs revenues vanished, and the lucrative provisioning economy that local chiefs had benefited from sharply declined.
For leaders such as Heke, the loss was not merely economic. It was also political. The prestige of hosting the governor — and the influence that came with it — shifted south to Ngāti Whātua, long-standing rivals of Ngāpuhi.
These factors — declining trade, loss of influence, and shifting alliances — were powerful motivations in the conflict that followed.
The evacuation myth
A more complicated past
None of this diminishes the importance of remembering the Northern War. But it does highlight why modern attempts to frame the conflict as a simple moral struggle between Māori and “the Crown” fall short.
Even at the time, Māori were not united. Prominent Ngāpuhi leader Tāmati Wāka Nene fought alongside government forces against Heke and Kawiti.
The war was therefore not merely a clash of two peoples, but a complex political struggle within a rapidly changing society — complexity that tends to disappear when history is repackaged for modern narratives.
History should unite us, not weaponise the past
Commemorating the Battle of Kororāreka is entirely legitimate. The Northern War was a formative episode in New Zealand’s early history and deserves to be remembered.
Remembrance should be about understanding the past, not bending it to fit modern narratives. The real story of Kororāreka involves rival Māori leaders, economic competition, shifting alliances, and the difficult birth of a new political order.
In 1858, Maihi Parāone Kawiti — son of the Ngāpuhi war leader Te Ruki Kawiti — personally erected the flagstaff that still stands on Maiki Hill today. Ngāpuhi themselves undertook to protect it.
It has never been vandalised since.
That fact alone tells us something important: the people who actually fought the Flagstaff War eventually chose reconciliation. The narrative of an endless conflict with “the Crown” is a modern invention.
It suggests that the people who actually fought the war understood that the future of the country lay not in permanent grievance, but in building a shared nation.
Another fact rarely mentioned in modern retellings is that the Northern War did not end with land confiscations. Unlike later phases of the New Zealand Wars, the government did not seize Ngāpuhi land after the rebellion led by Hōne Heke and Te Ruki Kawiti. The conflict ended instead with a pragmatic political settlement and eventual reconciliation — a reminder that the early history of the country was more complex than the grievance narratives often promoted today.
These lessons matter — because understanding them is the only way to remember history honestly.
Geoff Parker is a passionate advocate for equal rights and a colour blind society.
For leaders such as Heke, the loss was not merely economic. It was also political. The prestige of hosting the governor — and the influence that came with it — shifted south to Ngāti Whātua, long-standing rivals of Ngāpuhi.
These factors — declining trade, loss of influence, and shifting alliances — were powerful motivations in the conflict that followed.
The evacuation myth
Modern commemorations tend to romanticise the events of the battle itself.
Some accounts note that Ngāpuhi fighters did not interfere with the evacuation of civilians to ships in the harbour. But that is not the same as “granting safe passage.” The evacuation was organised by British forces, and once the town was abandoned, several hundred Ngāpuhi warriors attacked the settlement. The town was ransacked and much of it destroyed.
Kororāreka was not a symbolic protest — it was the destruction of a frontier town.
A more complicated past
None of this diminishes the importance of remembering the Northern War. But it does highlight why modern attempts to frame the conflict as a simple moral struggle between Māori and “the Crown” fall short.
Even at the time, Māori were not united. Prominent Ngāpuhi leader Tāmati Wāka Nene fought alongside government forces against Heke and Kawiti.
The war was therefore not merely a clash of two peoples, but a complex political struggle within a rapidly changing society — complexity that tends to disappear when history is repackaged for modern narratives.
History should unite us, not weaponise the past
Commemorating the Battle of Kororāreka is entirely legitimate. The Northern War was a formative episode in New Zealand’s early history and deserves to be remembered.
Remembrance should be about understanding the past, not bending it to fit modern narratives. The real story of Kororāreka involves rival Māori leaders, economic competition, shifting alliances, and the difficult birth of a new political order.
In 1858, Maihi Parāone Kawiti — son of the Ngāpuhi war leader Te Ruki Kawiti — personally erected the flagstaff that still stands on Maiki Hill today. Ngāpuhi themselves undertook to protect it.
It has never been vandalised since.
That fact alone tells us something important: the people who actually fought the Flagstaff War eventually chose reconciliation. The narrative of an endless conflict with “the Crown” is a modern invention.
It suggests that the people who actually fought the war understood that the future of the country lay not in permanent grievance, but in building a shared nation.
Another fact rarely mentioned in modern retellings is that the Northern War did not end with land confiscations. Unlike later phases of the New Zealand Wars, the government did not seize Ngāpuhi land after the rebellion led by Hōne Heke and Te Ruki Kawiti. The conflict ended instead with a pragmatic political settlement and eventual reconciliation — a reminder that the early history of the country was more complex than the grievance narratives often promoted today.
These lessons matter — because understanding them is the only way to remember history honestly.
Geoff Parker is a passionate advocate for equal rights and a colour blind society.

13 comments:
Thank you for another fine, masculine article. New Zealand needs more masculine takes like this, Geoff. With masculine people like you around, we have a fighting chance to retain our masculinity!
Interesting to read this. Thank you
How the hell did Anon @ 6.51am's idiotic comment get published? How does that sarcastic tripe, obliquely 'playing the man,' advance the debate??
'Masculinity' has been thrown into the conversation before. Anon 651 is making a point. Perhaps rather than complaining to me, you should submit a robust rebuttal.
Perhaps Anon 651 is thinking of 'toxic masculinity' in relation to the nastiness that was rife then?
Perhaps s/he could explain to us what the point of his/her little diatribe is, so that we can respond accordingly.
Worth reading Geoff is Tony Simpson's "The White Man's Anger"( Te Riri Pakeha). Simpson''s well documented view insists Heke had commercial motivations as he had a kauri spar business and that Heke signed first because he was bi lingual and the most intelligent student the missionaries had taught at Waimate. Ngapuhi were sucessful traders and business people.
Gee, thanks for the helpful advice Moderator. Perhaps you could point me toward the substance of that bizarre comment that may be robustly rebutted?
How do you read the first comment in this thread, Hugh? Is the writer taking the mickey or what?
I have noticed masculinity has been the subject of many comments on many forums - we've had a couple on this site but we don't have a decent Search function here as far as I am aware so I'd have to go looking for it.
There have been opinion pieces about or touching on masculinity in the modern age…or rather the lack of it. As a right leaning site, that is to be expected, I hope. Never get between a man and his keyboard when he feels he has been slighted!
It's a pity that the comment thread here was derailed by anon 6.51. With regard to this comment, I'd assumed that it was tongue-in-cheek. But if not, it was a reference to the fact that many historians now are women, and many of them are, judging by their writing, left-leaning.
Thank you for this article. It's an unvarnished account of what actually happened, which is a refreshing change from the constant revisionism, with which we are plagued. And - regrettably - much of that revisionism comes from the women who are currently writing about NZ's history.
Desterre are you living in opposite land per chance?
I see nothing 'masculine' about Geoff's opinion piece, just a measured account of actual events.
"....are you living in opposite land per chance?"
I'm afraid that you've lost me here. What do you mean?
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