That gap — between what the Treaty actually says and what is now claimed in its name — is where Roimata Smail’s Understanding Te Tiriti operates, quietly turning modern policy choices into historical inevitabilities.
When Smail says understanding the Treaty is “fundamental for anyone who calls New Zealand home”, she is not talking about what the Treaty says.
She is talking about what has been built around it — and that distinction matters more than her readers are being told.
From Interview to Infomercial
Smail’s Understanding Te Tiriti — a 30-page booklet (A5 size, stapled, cost $25) — was released in 2024.
What is striking is not the booklet itself, but the way it is being promoted, amplified and insulated from challenge by Waatea News in a recent interview with Smail.
Waatea does not interrogate Smail’s claims. It celebrates them. She is presented as a guiding voice; the booklet is labelled “essential”; popularity is treated as proof of insight.
This is not journalism in any sense. It is pure endorsement.
The Bestseller Claim — Repetition as Proof
Waatea repeatedly describes Understanding Te Tiriti as “bestselling”, a word doing far more work than it deserves.
The booklet was propelled early by bulk purchases and private donations. New Zealand bestseller lists are shallow, time-bound, and easily influenced. None of this context is supplied to readers.
“Bestseller” here functions as a rhetorical device: if many people bought it, the thinking goes, the ideas must be sound.
That is marketing logic, not evidence.
Schools: Availability Rebranded as Authority
Waatea also leans heavily on the booklet’s presence in schools, allowing readers to assume educational endorsement.
But copies reached schools via private donation, not through any Ministry of Education vetting, curriculum approval, or professional review. No school was required to use it. No teacher was obliged to teach it.
A booklet sitting on a shelf is not a teaching mandate. Waatea quietly collapses that distinction — because collapsing it strengthens the narrative.
“Everyday Life” — The Central Sleight of Hand
According to Waatea, Smail, a human rights lawyer who has done work Waitangi tribunal work, “unpacks why the Treaty continues to matter in everyday life — from education to health, governance to community relationships.”
This sounds explanatory. It isn’t.
What Smail actually does is point to existing policy frameworks — in health, education, governance — and retrospectively anchor them to the Treaty via so-called “principles”.
The Treaty is not shown shaping these systems.
These systems are shown justifying themselves through the Treaty.
Policy becomes proof. Practice becomes destiny.
The High Table of Interpretations
Smail’s booklet does not stand alone. It sits at the bottom of a long table where interpretation has steadily replaced text.
At that table sit ideas that have gradually hardened into orthodoxy: that the Treaty confers ongoing partnership and shared sovereignty beyond its words; that it is a relational, evolving moral compact rather than a legal document with clear limits; that historical inquiry may legitimately morph into policy prescription; that the Treaty’s meaning adapts over time independent of parliamentary amendment; and that abstract “principles” can be elevated above the written text itself.
Together, these form an ecosystem. Each concept reinforces the others. Each treats interpretation as authority. None is elected. All are insulated.
What is missing from this ecosystem is not history, but contradiction — particularly those moments when Māori leaders themselves spoke plainly about sovereignty.
From Text to Belief
This is where the language shifts from law to creed.
The Treaty has apparently become anointed as aa “living document”, the legal equivalent of, say, the Whanganui River or Mt Taranaki.
Its words become secondary. Meaning evolves not by amendment or referendum, but by moral insight — possessed by a small, self-referencing group.
The booklet never tells readers they are being asked to accept a particular constitutional theory. It presents interpretation as inevitability.
Any disagreement, by implication, is ignorance.
Smail’s booklet advances her interpretation of the Treaty, drawn from the same academic and judicial lineage that dominates public institutions.
Only the Māori-language version is valid, she suggests. Other views — including text-based, limits-focused readings — are absent.
That absence is not accidental.
One such absent voice is Sir Apirana Ngata. In 1922, Ngata — New Zealand’s first Māori law graduate and later a Cabinet minister — explained that Te Tiriti involved the cession of governance to the Crown, the protection of property rights, and the extension of the rights of British subjects to Māori. His explanation was regarded as authoritative enough to be distributed by the Government to Māori households nationwide. It sits uneasily with modern claims of retained or shared sovereignty, which may explain why it is now rarely mentioned.
Nor was Ngata’s view an outlier. In 1860, twenty years after the Treaty was signed, more than 200 Māori leaders gathered at Kohimarama at the invitation of Governor Gore Browne. The Treaty was read again, its meaning discussed, and the hui concluded with chiefs formally pledging to do nothing inconsistent with their recognition of the Queen’s sovereignty and the union of Māori and Pākehā. That declaration — known as the Kohimarama Covenant — sits awkwardly with contemporary assertions that sovereignty was never ceded, and is largely absent from modern Treaty advocacy.
How Propaganda Now Moves
No conspiracy is required. Only alignment.
A booklet that affirms institutional orthodoxy. Media that mistake amplification for explanation. Moral reassurance in place of argument.
It’s as if the Treaty is a catch-all solution for running a democratic nation — a concept that the incumbent government appears incapable of robustly dismissing.
Readers are not told what the Treaty says. They are told what they should feel about it.
The Treaty matters. No serious person disputes that.
But before it is said to govern every aspect of modern life, one question deserves a straight answer:
Where, exactly, does the Treaty say that?
Until that question is faced — rather than managed — Understanding Te Tiriti will remain less a guide to a document than a guide to a belief system, peddled as civic literacy.
Peter Bassett is an observer of media, politics and public institutions, writing on how narrative replaces scrutiny.

11 comments:
The Treaty and what modern day faux Māori want it to mean are completely different. Hindsight is a wonderful thing, but until a Government has the courage to make a stand and get rid of the divisive Waitangi Tribunal, expect NZ to continue to be a split nation.
I am a nurse. In order to continue with my registration l am encouraged to state and believe that maori did succeed sovereignty.
For many years, we all understood the Treaty to be a document where Maori ceded sovereignty to the British Crown in exchange for many benefits, not many disadvantages.
The world now sees events through a distorted lens though. "So called" indigenous races are being given a status they don't really deserve. Examples of cannabalism, slavery and other atrocities were carried out by Maori. Colonisation was beneficial here as, unlike other races like the Egyptians, Romans or the Greeks who built( through slavery) amazing monuments and structures, the early European settlers to New Zealand were greeted with nothing of consequence and had to start from scratch. Our wonderful tourist-attracting natural monuments of Hula Falls, lakes, mountains and glaciers were here long before Maori arrived as early settlers. They can't claim those.
It sounds the sort of book that should be used to light a fire.
Most of the comments apply to the earlier book "Imagining Decolonisation" released a few years ago. Every maori studies student and brain washed contact and other insurgent acquired a copy assisted by a very modest price . That piece of sedition by such objective parties as Moana Jackson also calimed best seller rating
"The Treaty matters. No serious person disputes that." I do Peter, and I am a very serious person. It is not strictly speaking a treaty at all, which is defined as an agreement between sovereign states, which this land was not. It was however organized (in haste) and signed in good faith. End of. That was it. The new state was founded and no further negotiation was required or appropriate. Off Maori and pakeha were to go as one nation, called , whether appropriately or not, New Zealand. Shall we just get on with it please?
All copies of the Smail "anointed version" should be consigned to the round bin. Well, in a sensible society this would be the case but do we live in a sensible society or one full of Sheeple? In a sensible society, the Littlewood draft would be recognised officially as the only precursor to the Maori version of the Treaty and the literal text of same would be taken as the true meaning of the thing. That is that Maori ceded to the Crown, All New Zealanders have the same property rights and in exchange Maori picked up the right to a passport - thereby making us all equal. As said, ... in a sensible society ...
If you look at the ownership of Waatea it becomes obvious it is just a propaganda arm for Tamihere and Jackson. There is no pretence of being otherwise and no need.
Their audience wants confirmation that their victimhood is justified. Not truth.
One of Murphy's Laws would suit this admirably: "If a wrong publication could be used, someone would use it".
Time and time again, I have suggested to many members of my social
circle and others, have you read the 3 Articles of the Treaty of Waitangi? Even directing them to the legitimate final draft (the Freeman draft).
It would seem more often than not, most people can't be bothered.
Isn't it any wonder we are we're we are today.
I agree with mudbayripper that too few actually read what the Treaty states and would add a subtle rider. While the "official" English text, the Freeman document fails the basic tests of legitimacy in my humble opinion. Whereas neither the Littlewood draft nor the Maori version contain any reference in Article 2 to Forests and Fisheries, the Freeman 'flight of fantasy' one does. Also in Article 2, whereas both the Maori and Littlewood texts refer to "to ALL the people of New Zealand", the Freeman text does not. It is these two significant facts which differentiate fact from fiction and lay at the heart of the monumental cock up that resulted post 1975 when Palmer et al had a brainstorm.
Post a Comment
Thank you for joining the discussion. Breaking Views welcomes respectful contributions that enrich the debate. Please ensure your comments are not defamatory, derogatory or disruptive. We appreciate your cooperation.