The BBC
reported “a swing to the left” in the Danish elections of last month, but noted
that the resultant governing bloc would be “voting with the right on
immigration”.
The two main
issues for voters were climate change and immigration. Danes on the whole are
concerned about climate change and want something to be done about it. They are
also concerned about immigration and want something to be done about that –
cleaning up migrant ghettoes and dispersing their inhabitants is a big issue in
Denmark right now.
‘Left’ parties tend to be more inclined to adopt aggressive
measures towards climate change while ‘right’ parties tend to be more inclined
to adopt aggressive measures towards immigration issues. So they chose a
‘left’-leaning party with ‘right’-leaning views on immigration – there wasn’t a
viable ‘right’-leaning party with ‘left’-leaning views on climate change as a
contender.
Let’s
analyse this ‘left’ and ‘right’ stuff a bit further.
I can
understand why being firm on immigration and related issues should be
associated with the political ‘right’. The right wing tends to stress national
sovereignty and identity while the left wing is more utopian in its global outlook.
These positions are extensions of the individualistic versus collectivist world
views that lie at the core of the ideological dipole.
Many voters
were also motivated by concerns about welfare. Welfarism is not the simple
‘left vs right’ issue that some make it out to
be. With the notable exception of Americans, Westerners on the political right
overwhelmingly acknowledge the duty of care of the State in relation to
providing a social security safety net. The difference between ‘left’ and
‘right’ lies with the way in which this duty of care is implemented. This issue
would merit an article in its own right. Suffice it to say that we on the right
believe in a minimalist but effective approach that targets the genuinely
needy.
I do not see
why concern about climate change and the desire to take steps to ameliorate it
should be a ‘left’ issue at all. I see no reason why people committed to
individual liberty and national identity should necessarily be set against
attempts to reduce the emission of greenhouse gases with a view to moderating
anthropogenic climate change.
I don’t
want to turn this article into a defence of the climate change case, but yes, I
do personally acknowledge the reality of anthropogenic climate change. It
strikes me that the onus of proof has to be on the deniers to convince us that pumping
all that CO2 that was removed from the atmosphere over many millions
of years back into the air in a couple of hundred years – the bat of an eyelid
in geological time –would not be
expected to have significant effects on the Earth’s climate. The evidence for
climate change is very strong although it may in some instances be
misinterpreted by those who are not fully up to scratch with the science. For
instance, the harsh winters the Northern Hemisphere has been experiencing
actually reinforce the case for climate change as they are caused by Arctic air
masses being pushed further south by stronger convection currents of warmer air
emanating from the equatorial regions. Hence surface temperatures may decrease
as one approaches the mid-latitude regions.
Sure, there
are qualified, knowledgeable scientists who are sceptical about climate change,
and good on them – scientific progress has always relied on sceptics and even
dissenters within the ranks as a check on overgeneralisation and dogmatism.
Like the Opposition in a parliament, they keep those running the show honest.
Not only is
there nothing intrinsically ‘lefty’ about accepting the anthropogenic climate
change case: I regard it as extremely misguided to politicise the issue
whatever one’s views on it. Greenhouse emissions as a result of the burning of
fossil fuels has no more to do with either Marxism or libertarianism, or any
other political ideology, than did the formation of those fossil fuels in the
days of the dinosaurs. Let’s keep political ideology out of science, please!
The observation that many on the
‘right’ are ‘anti’ the climate change case is, I believe, to a large extent
attributable to their unease about proposals as to what should be done about
it. They see the increasing role of Big Government in the form of shutting down
conventional energy-related industries such as coal mining and the expenditure
of billions of dollars of taxpayers’ money on alternative energy glamour
projects. Both the election of Donald Trump and the ‘yellow vests’ movement owe
a lot to this aspect of the climate change challenge. When people are made
jittery by actions directed at a perceived threat, a knee-jerk response is the
denial of the existence of the threat. It’s a very common reaction, but that
doesn’t make it rational.
Another
relevant factor may be the perceived association between climate change advocacy
and environmentalism. People of my vintage often tend to associate
environmental activism with anti-capitalism and social radicalism. But those
days are largely gone.
A fundamental
conceptual problem issue is that many people continue to regard ‘leftism’ and
‘rightism’ as package deals entailing economic and social policies that
necessarily go together. In reality, people can be ‘liberal’ or even radical in
relation to one and ‘conservative’ in relation to the other. Other than
hardened ideologues at both extremes of the political spectrum, most of us tend
towards ‘leftist’ opinions with regard to some issues and towards ‘rightist’
opinions with regard to others.
But I
maintain that the anthropogenic climate change case does not in itself fit
anywhere on the left/right political spectrum. At the same time, I will concede
that a left/right split will likely emerge in relation to what should be done
to meet the challenge. It’s down to the difference between pure science, which
is (or should be) apolitical, and the application of science, which brings in
value judgements and thereby becomes political.
Far from
being a bunch of ideological schizophrenics, the Danes appear to realise that
the political ‘left’ and ‘right’ in liberal democracies are not package deals
but present combinations of policies that can be dissociated from one another. Which
is exactly what most voters did: they went with one set of ostensibly ‘left’
policies in relation to climate change,
and another set of ostensibly ‘right’ policies in relation to
immigration. In so doing, they have exhibited a level of political maturity
that other electorates will hopefully emulate.
Barend
Vlaardingerbroek BA, BSc, BEdSt, PGDipLaws, MAppSc, PhD is an associate
professor of education at the American University of Beirut and is a regular
commentator on social and political issues. Feedback welcome at bv00@aub.edu.lb
3 comments:
Thank you Barend! A clear and concise statement of what of our climate and environmental discussions should be. I enjoy all your analytic pieces. Please keep writing.
Thank you for this article. Spot On.
You need to read the article by Sandra McKechnie in this weeks "breaking views", Barend.
It may help to clear your clouded thinking on this issue.
Post a Comment