“A Sovereign Independent Court of Justice – ‘Kooti Wakanga’ has been established under Tikanga and He Wakaputanga Law.” This, claimed to be “the first sovereign independent Grand Jury Court of justice, Te Wakaminenga Kooti Wakanga nui of Nu Tireni – New Zealand, ... will deal with civil and criminal claims for all Sovereign Nationals of Nu Tireni NZ who register with the Wakaminenga Maori Government under the jurisdiction of Tikanga and He Wakaputanga.”
The first case, “brought by the members of the Wakaminenga Maori Government … deals with alleged breaches of the sovereign law of He Wakaputanga and crimes of genocide and against humanity.”
There has been no official reaction, but rather a failure to stand up to such treasonable actions.
This is nothing new. This alternative government has existed for some years, as described in a chapter of a 2022 book. The conclusions were obvious.
“An alternative government, destroying the unity of the nation, has been set up, and is unchallenged. Indeed, a fragmentation, a multiplicity of further alternative governments, is suggested. Unfortunately, these actions sit comfortably with the government policy of racial separation and co-governance. Such treasonable acts undermine the integrity, legitimacy and strength of the democratically elected parliament. The resultant confusion and disunity will reduce the real, and only, government’s ability to get things done for the good of all New Zealanders.”
These actions follow the directions set down by the 2019 He Puapua report to government (which has never been reputed), moving towards their “Vision 2040”, which proposes three separate governments: the Crown parliament, sort-of-democratic, for us all (including Maori); the Maori parliament, separate by race, tribal and non-democratic; and the joint parliament to settle disputes between those two bodies – with a Maori veto: “In the common (kawangatanga) sphere: ‘The Crown resiles some of its power in agreed areas to make space for rangatiratanga, for defined Maori interests. The public service is bicultural and understands the ways in which it must support rangatiratanga.’”
New Zealand is to move away from modern civilisation to a stone-age tribal form of government, from a unified nation where we are one people, to the balkanisation of fragmented sovereignty.
Many steps have been taken in that direction, as support for the breakup of the nation has come from many groups and organisations, including government and the justice system. Here are a few examples.
The Marine and Coastal Area Act 2011, sets down a radically different new test for customary marine title, taking account of “the intrinsic, inherited rights of iwi, hapu, and whanau, derived in accordance with tikanga”.
The courts have played their part, introducing an undefined tikanga into law, with the meaning to be determined by the hapu concerned.
“The Waitangi Tribunal has advanced ideas of dual sovereignty, so that hapu and iwi can exert their own separate sovereignty, and has falsely ruled that many Maori never accepted the sovereignty of the government.”
And, of course, there is the revision (rewriting, even falsification) of history and the reversal of the Treaty of Waitangi, from the call that “Now we are one people” to the very opposite, a divided ‘partnership’, and from a united sovereignty to divided sovereignty held by the many hapu.
Such thinking has led to calls for constitutional change, away from the principles of equality and democracy. One action in this direction was a 2022 meeting at The University of Auckland’s Business School – a “Constitutional Conference Korero”, a hui “to provide the technical and legal support for constitutional transformation in Aotearoa New Zealand”, a “national wananga to bring together experts from around the world and within Aotearoa to present arguments and options for constitutional transformation, to realise Maori rights.”
Such diverse efforts have for many years been working to overthrow our system of government and our laws. Maori Party spokespeople want it all: race-based constitution and governments, separated control over all the land, rivers and seas, and more. At what stage is this activity treason, rebellion, a coup? Perhaps that point was passed some time ago.
Those leading the takeover have the power to prevent awareness of their activities and to block any distribution of information. Talk of equality is banned under the government requirement to observe the directions of a false Treaty, the official version of the tiriti. Efforts to present a critical analysis are closed down, by the capture of media and much of local government, and by the aggressive mobs who disrupt meetings, refusing the freedom of speech to those who will not blindly follow the current racist propaganda.
Co-Governance is a major step in this coup, a policy that must be opened to intense scrutiny – but only if that freedom of thought and expression is allowed. However, recent experiences of the Stop Co-Governance movement to hold meetings (led by speaker Julian Batchelor) provide a graphic representation of the censorship process, and of the breakdown of civil society forced by and supported by the current government. Public venues have been refused, or withdrawn at the last moment by councils. Mobs have gathered to intimidate those attending and to shout down speakers. All too often (with a few welcome exceptions) the Police have stood by and allowed the demonstrators to force meetings to close. The response forced on the organisers is hold private meetings, complete with barriers against aggressive mobs and well-built volunteers as guards. This is not the New Zealand I want.
It is impossible in the New Zealand of today to hold a public discussion of major government policy. Many basic freedoms must be fought for.
 Robinson J L 2022, Regaining a nation; equality and democracy, Tross Publishing, pages 186-195
 Robinson J L 2021, He Puapua; Blueprint for breaking up New Zealand, Tross Publishing, page 75
 op cit, page 83
 op cit, pages 97-107
 Robinson J L 2023, Equality or tribal rule, https://www.nzcpr.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/John-Robinson.pdf, page 83
 op cit, page 19
Dr John Robinson is a research scientist, who has investigated a variety of topics, including the social statistics of Maori. His recognition of fundamental flaws in the interpretation of nineteenth century Maori demographics led him to consider the history of those times in several books.