Why concentrating power in tribal institutions may leave ordinary Māori worse off
When people talk about “tribal control” or “iwi-based governance” of New Zealand, it often sounds abstract - even empowering. The language is about rangatiratanga, partnership, and self-determination. But for the average Māori on the street - someone with a job, a family, and often mixed ancestry — the practical question is simple: how would this actually work for me?
Under a tribal governance model, political power would not rest primarily with individuals as equal citizens, but with iwi and hapū as corporate bodies. Representation, influence, and access would increasingly flow through tribal structures - rūnanga, trust boards, and mandated iwi organisations - rather than directly through universal democratic institutions.
For many Māori, this would mean that your political voice depends on your tribal affiliation, not simply your citizenship. If you are well connected to your iwi, registered, active, and aligned with its leadership, you may gain influence or access to opportunities. If you are urban, disconnected from your rohe, unsure of your whakapapa, affiliated with multiple iwi, or simply uninterested in tribal politics, your voice may be weaker - or effectively absent.
Importantly, tribal leadership is not elected by the general public, and, in most cases, not by the tribe as a whole either. Iwi authorities are typically governed by trustees chosen through limited rolls or internal processes. In practice, the average Māori has little or no ability to vote out iwi leaders who perform poorly, misuse funds, or pursue agendas they disagree with - yet those leaders would exercise growing power over resources, policy, and representation.
Supporters of tribal governance often present it as a correction to history. But this raises an uncomfortable truth: the original Treaty was signed by Māori leaders who acted prudently, not recklessly. They sought protection, order, and equal status under the Crown - not permanent tribal control over future generations. The Treaty itself did not disadvantage ordinary Māori.
What proved disastrous for many Māori communities was not British governance, but the large-scale alienation of land through voluntary sales, often by individuals who underestimated the long-term consequences. That loss was tragic - but it was not the product of democratic citizenship, nor of equal law. It was the result of poor decisions, incomplete information, and internal division. Replacing one elite structure with another does not correct that mistake - it risks repeating it.
For many Māori, this would mean that your political voice depends on your tribal affiliation, not simply your citizenship. If you are well connected to your iwi, registered, active, and aligned with its leadership, you may gain influence or access to opportunities. If you are urban, disconnected from your rohe, unsure of your whakapapa, affiliated with multiple iwi, or simply uninterested in tribal politics, your voice may be weaker - or effectively absent.
Importantly, tribal leadership is not elected by the general public, and, in most cases, not by the tribe as a whole either. Iwi authorities are typically governed by trustees chosen through limited rolls or internal processes. In practice, the average Māori has little or no ability to vote out iwi leaders who perform poorly, misuse funds, or pursue agendas they disagree with - yet those leaders would exercise growing power over resources, policy, and representation.
Supporters of tribal governance often present it as a correction to history. But this raises an uncomfortable truth: the original Treaty was signed by Māori leaders who acted prudently, not recklessly. They sought protection, order, and equal status under the Crown - not permanent tribal control over future generations. The Treaty itself did not disadvantage ordinary Māori.
What proved disastrous for many Māori communities was not British governance, but the large-scale alienation of land through voluntary sales, often by individuals who underestimated the long-term consequences. That loss was tragic - but it was not the product of democratic citizenship, nor of equal law. It was the result of poor decisions, incomplete information, and internal division. Replacing one elite structure with another does not correct that mistake - it risks repeating it.
In everyday life, tribal governance would likely mean that access to housing support, health services, education funding, or economic development increasingly runs through iwi channels. Māori who do not belong to a recognised iwi, who live away from tribal centres, or who reject being politically defined by ancestry may find themselves spoken for, but not listened to.
There is also a cultural reality that is rarely acknowledged honestly: tribal systems are inherently hierarchical. They are based on descent, status, and internal rank. This is not a moral judgement - it is simply how tribes function. But it sits uneasily alongside modern expectations of equality, individual rights, and one-person-one-vote democracy. A system that empowers tribes does not automatically empower all Māori equally.
There is also a cultural reality that is rarely acknowledged honestly: tribal systems are inherently hierarchical. They are based on descent, status, and internal rank. This is not a moral judgement - it is simply how tribes function. But it sits uneasily alongside modern expectations of equality, individual rights, and one-person-one-vote democracy. A system that empowers tribes does not automatically empower all Māori equally.
For many Māori today - particularly those of mixed heritage - identity is personal and flexible. Tribal governance would make identity administrative and political, potentially forcing people to define themselves narrowly in order to participate fully in public life.
None of this denies the value of Māori culture, language, or collective organisation. Those things are vital and worth protecting. But shifting national governance toward tribal control would not empower the average Māori individual. It would transfer power upward, to institutions and elites, rather than outward to ordinary Māori individuals.
For the average Māori on the street, tribal governance is unlikely to feel like everyday empowerment. It is far more likely to feel like another layer of authority above them, making decisions in their name, controlling resources meant for their benefit, and claiming legitimacy without meaningful accountability.
One does not need to speculate about where this path leads. The growing wealth, status, and political access of today’s tribal leadership- alongside persistent underperformance in Māori health, education, and income outcomes - tells its own story. Power has been consolidated, assets have grown, and influence has expanded, yet the average Māori remains no better off. That is not self-determination; it is elite capture dressed up as cultural justice.
Geoff Parker is a long-standing advocate for truth, equal rights, and equality before the law.
None of this denies the value of Māori culture, language, or collective organisation. Those things are vital and worth protecting. But shifting national governance toward tribal control would not empower the average Māori individual. It would transfer power upward, to institutions and elites, rather than outward to ordinary Māori individuals.
For the average Māori on the street, tribal governance is unlikely to feel like everyday empowerment. It is far more likely to feel like another layer of authority above them, making decisions in their name, controlling resources meant for their benefit, and claiming legitimacy without meaningful accountability.
One does not need to speculate about where this path leads. The growing wealth, status, and political access of today’s tribal leadership- alongside persistent underperformance in Māori health, education, and income outcomes - tells its own story. Power has been consolidated, assets have grown, and influence has expanded, yet the average Māori remains no better off. That is not self-determination; it is elite capture dressed up as cultural justice.
Geoff Parker is a long-standing advocate for truth, equal rights, and equality before the law.

14 comments:
We have evidence of this already, Waiperea trust, few elite doing very very well.
You describe the ongoing descent into feudalism.
Sems to me the RSA does a far better job of looking after its members than any iwi.
Animal Farm - just a different set of animals
Others are free to set up political groupings. But they do not have the unifying state and msm sponsored contempt and loathing of others such as trace maori now have been taught to have of other colonists and descendants. Nor do others have the state and public sponsored insurrection unifying factors of te reo, kapahaka, marae, consultancy groups, race based charities etc. Or vast uniting treaty funds. And many others are too busy with their productive lives for extensive wide ranging social interaction which facilitates formualtion and pursuit of common causes.
I worked with a lady who was part of an iwi and she had nothing good to say about them at all. She applied for some funds to help her son's education and was declined. No reason was given. She said that the ones at the top of the chain had nice cars and houses which they also didn't have to explain. It sounds terrible. There needs to be an investigation on how all the treaty money is spent. Nz is just such a joke. Why we are just giving all these millions to people who are not accountable for it?
We spend alot of time talking about 19.6% of the population, according to the 2023 census.
To Anon at 1pm: Indeed true. Why? Because no other minority has an official plan (He Puapua) for tribal rule by 2040 (whereby ethnocracy with superior status and privileges for a specific demographic group would replace democracy which proposes equal citizenship for all NZers). And, this plan clearly has strong support from a considerable number of NZ's politicians -though many deny this outright. Therefore, many more NZers - in fact, voters - should be talking about this issue.
- and Luxon is useless. There are some Nats who think, but he's not one of them.
Anon 2:26 - why aren't more ordinary NZers talking about these rorts, corruption, and outright theft ?
Answer : because the media have effectively suppressed this from appearing in the open.
The person holding all this back from being resolved is Luxon.
Perhaps Trump might do a midnight raid and put him on trial for sedition ?
Wasn't this what it was like under the tribal system up to the time the Treaty signed?
Did the Chiefs at the time have total control of the tribe?
Isn't that what they got away from in 1940 when the Treaty was signed and they became subjects of the Queen at the time, just like we are now????
Anon 4.02 PM - Sadly the crime of sedition was removed from the Crimes Act by our politicians, back around 2007 I think. Only one party was against this and that was NZF. There is a very strong case to bring it back!
"Humpty Dumpty sat on the wall, Humpty Dumpty had a great fall..." You, the reader, can do your bit to ensure it. Just don't vote for some neo-Marxist who'll only make matters worse.
Excellent article. The fight is not between ordinary men of different races but between corporate interests of all kinds (Iwi and Crown) and ordinary men of all races. The he Pua Pua nonsense is about disenfranchise all men in favour of the corporate interests.
Thus men should unite against fake governance whether in the person of the Iwi or the Crown.
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