Worrying signs are evident in many Western economies. Health sectors are under strain, racial tensions simmer, immigration tensions persist, and crime, media, governance, adherence to (and respect for) due process, freedom of speech, parenting, and so on, seem to be breaking down. The speed at which this is happening has taken most by surprise.
The dominoes seem to be falling in all directions, and with astonishing speed.
In the West we have institutions specifically designed to teach and safeguard rights (as opposed to responsibilities). From the family, through our educational institutions, young people, and not so young people, are armed with an encyclopaedic knowledge of their rights. Rights to disregard rules that do not suit, to question, and challenge, without end, to subordinate all considerations to personal ambition, to dismiss the wisdom of those who have gone before, and to enjoy, without reflection or gratitude, the fruits of others’ labours.
To live perpetually in the moment.
And in spite of half-hearted efforts by our present government to address whatever ails us, the motivations, machinations, and excesses of the Ardern government await, emboldened after a temporary pause.
A crisis can be aptly defined as a point of difficulty, danger or decision. This is a relatively good definition, because it contains within it a sort of escalating hierarchy of imperatives (or calls to action). If we apply this definition the word “crisis” seems a helpful description of where we are at, or at least where we might be heading.
And maybe the word danger is not as hyperbolic as some might suggest.
We also know intuitively that things are not right when the words of politicians, the pronouncements of academics, and the incantations of the media, do not match common wisdom, or what people in the street are experiencing. No matter what they are saying, we know what we see, hear, and experience, and we remember. In the mists of this unfolding madness, it isn’t easy to put your finger on what exactly is happening, why it is happening, how and where it started, why it persists, and what might be done to halt the decline. These crises have been a long time in gestation.
Of course root causes can be elusive, sometimes because they conflict with strongly held opinions, or with prevailing narratives, so we deny them, or shift causality elsewhere. Oftentimes we look in the wrong places, simply because we have lost our confidence in common sense, and inherited knowledge and wisdom. We can be incredulous that, while effects look complex, tangled, and difficult to define, causes can be right under our noses.
With this in mind, I believe that a compelling case can be made that the ultimate crisis in New Zealand, and in the contemporary West more generally, is a crisis of virtue, and, in particular, a crisis of genuine (not contrived or superficial) responsibility. There is a very real sense in which an increasing number of people (by no means all) no longer have a sense of responsibility, or duty, toward anything outside of, or beyond, themselves and their immediate sphere of interest.
Not too many generations ago it was a given that employees, as a general rule, knew they were responsible for the quality and output of their work, for the good name of the company for which they worked, for an honest day's work. And equally employers for the well-being of their employees.
Not too many generations ago parents generally believed they were responsible for the children they brought into the world, for teaching them to respect others, to abide by rules, and to aim for something noble ... and to provide them with a school lunch.
It was not too many generations ago that mowing the elderly neighbour’s lawn, for no reward, was more virtuous than taking a day off school to wave placards, or to look up from a device to give someone else a seat on a bus.
Not too many generations ago journalists felt a duty to report both sides of a story, to present information rather than their opinions, and politicians felt a sense of responsibility for those who elected them, to do what they promised, even when this overrode their personal ambition and blind loyalty to ideology or party.
Not too long ago most people accepted their responsibility to respect those from different backgrounds or with different opinions, even if they vehemently disagreed with them, they had a right to call things how they saw them.
Not too long ago there was virtue in telling the truth.
That is not, at all, to say things were perfect, that virtue was universally and consistently applied in all, or even most, cases, such things are always a work in progress. But it is simply to say that it was there as a yardstick and as a counterbalance to the overt assertion of rights alone. It persisted as an ideal, an abstraction of what good citizenship meant. While the wisdom of earlier generations is often viewed with condescension, as contaminated with racism and privilege, compared with the tribalism of today, it bears the trappings of a more civilised and enlightened age.
In contemporary New Zealand, responsibility to duty, and to others, is not celebrated as openly as it once was, while assertion of rights is everywhere evident and inherently malleable.
To aid in this process myriad (hugely costly ) organisations exist to ensure, often selectively, whose rights need to be prioritised, and even encoded into legislation, and whose should not. The Human Rights Commission, the Race Relations Office, the Waitangi Tribunal, Ministries of Women’s and Pacific Affairs, Rainbow Organisations, Workers Rights organisations etc etc. I am not saying that these organisations do not add value, although some clearly do not, I am saying that an undue emphasis on rights, devoid of responsibility, of personal effort, and sometimes of truth, have contributed to our rapid deterioration, and that of the West generally. Many of these organizations are shallow in reasoning, inconsistent in deliberation, and politically (and intellectually) partisan in the extreme
By contrast, few organisations exist today to promote the concept of responsibility.
In schools, teachers cannot, without a degree of risk, interview students on serious matters without their parents being present, cannot search a student’s bag, restrain or isolate a violent student, or even insist that a dress code be upheld. In many schools, it remains a sin to genuinely celebrate excellence and hard work, for fear of its impact on those less excellent or hard-working. Student advocacy makes their rights paramount in every situation, despite the message that this sends.
Fairly frequently New Zealanders are advised by poverty action advocates that everyone has a right to a house, not a right to an income that would make a house a possibility, but a right to a house, period. Several generations have been taught they have a right to things that others have worked for because of the actions or inactions of others, sometimes many generations ago. The welfare state, the treaty industry, and fiscal policy have created a dependent underclass with no aspiration but to lean upon the state. And it suits the state to keep things this way because this is where it gets its power and influence. It is the state now that determines what is right, what views may be expressed, who gets what, what its citizenry is free to think, and the price that should be paid for not playing the game.
But it can, and should, be argued that rights and responsibilities are flip sides of the same coin, they are derivative of each other, dependent on each other, and have meaning only in respect of each other. Person B’s rights are person A’s responsibility, and person A’s rights are person B’s responsibility. This is a two-way street. But to too many people, rights are their business, and responsibilities are the business of somebody else. An endless tidal wave of rights has deafened countless New Zealanders, and other Westerners, to their responsibility to put shoulder to the wheel, and to assist others in doing the same. It is far easier to take than it is to give. And to take until there is nothing of value left to give.
Postmodern relativism and cultural Marxism are undermining the virtue that is the foundation of all thriving societies. The former through dismissal of the collective wisdom of generations, and the latter through the constant denigration of those who build up, in favour of those who break down. The former through its trademark arrogance, the latter through its vengeance. The French Revolution failed because it exalted rights without responsibility. The American Revolution succeeded because the founding fathers knew that the rights enshrined in the new republic would be sustained only when buttressed by a sense of duty (responsibility) to community and republic. In so doing they created, in spite of obvious imperfections, the most extraordinary and influential republic in the history of the world.
Cultural Marxism, as with the Marxism of old, seeks the dissolution (at worst) or the impoverishment (at best) of the very institutions on which freedom and prosperity are built. In eroding the foundations of family and community, it robs people of the very contexts within which reciprocity and responsibility once flourished, and replaces these with the state as the ultimate reference point for all thought and action.
While it is comforting to know that Cultural Marxism carries the seeds of its own destruction, because eventually it runs out of enemies, and then turns in on itself, what will be lost in the process, and how much of that will be regained, and at what price?
There will be readers who will consider this an overstatement of the risks ahead. I would say not. New Zealanders do not value sufficiently what they have had, because they do not realise how much it cost, how quickly it can be lost, and how bad the alternatives are.
Nietzche, Jung, Orwell and Huxley foresaw a time when people would no longer worship the paradigms, and institutions of old, but the state instead. They would no longer be guided by a conscience, undergirded with a sense of duty and responsibility to others, but would be mirror images of the state, a state more than keen to take from them the burden of speech and thought, and replace it with a country in which “peace is war, freedom is slavery, and ignorance is strength” (Orwell).
It is much easier to understate than to overstate the predicament we face. We know intuitively that New Zealand, and the West at large, is at a turning point.
Perhaps in microcosm, the machinations, cognitive dissonance, deafness, and self interest of past, and present, governments, is merely a mirror of collective denial ... of what we have become over what we once were ... as "happy" citizens living in a “kinder” New Zealand, where no-one is offended, where rights have become holy writ, and where virtue and personal responsibility, have become optional remnants of an ever distant colonial past.
The state now casts an ever frighteningly long shadow ... the dispenser of rights and the conscience of all.
Our forthcoming election may take us deeper into the mire or give us some space to surface and take our breath ... and after that who knows!
Caleb Anderson, a graduate history, economics, psychotherapy and theology, has been an educator for over thirty years, twenty as a school principal.

25 comments:
This is excellent. Expansive, thoughtful-provoking, and poignant. In a true media plurality, articles like this would get wide exposure.
I repeat as always: vast, unskilled, and non-Western immigration is a giant factor. It does not get enough attention in this piece.
NZ is changing so much not simply because of the media or internet or this policy or that law. It is disappearing because its people are vanishing.
NZ as a nation, made up of Chinese, Indians, Africans, or Muslims, will simply not be NZ. The type of outward duty and responsibility appealed to here is heavily a White, Christian construct. For example, Izzat (Indian/Pakistani concept of face) is anthema to this.
Countries are emanations of their culture, and culture a product of their people. Kiwis are not interchangeable economic units from anywhere. Values don't magically appear or transmit.
Nietzche, Jung, Orwell and Huxley were all brilliant thinkers, but lived in the assurance and unity of continued White, European nations and culture.
NZ has many issues, including as identified here, but unless we reverse our mass immigration and rebuild our people, you simply won't make any real head way.
I cannot disagree with one word or thought. You have walked us through the problem and described how we arrived where we are.
There are some people and organisations fighting for a return to order. That's where I put my support.
Specifically with Hobson's Pledge and The Taxpayer's Union.
We have to fight back or the alternative is unthinkable.
MC
I think the ancient philosophers 2000+ years ago discovered the following for a great life.
1 take responsibility for yourself and you actions.
2. Control only what you can control, forget about the rest.
3 be the best version of yourself in any given moment. Act Morally, ethically, be humble, leave ego out treat others well etc
These simple qualities are key to a great life.
The philosophers were smart back then. I dont think any of the modern philosophers have really improved on the advice of plato, Marcus, Socrates Rufus et al.
If everyone were to take on the 3 qualities listed above the world would be a much better place overnight.
Well said Caleb, fully agreed
Very nice article, thank you Caleb.
Just one comment:
>"Person B’s rights are person A’s responsibility, and person A’s rights are person B’s responsibility."
Rights do not always create responsibilities for others. For instance, I have a right to marry a woman of my choosing, but that does not create a duty for a woman to accept a marriage proposal from me.
I disagree very much with Anon 409 above when s/he claims that "The type of outward duty and responsibility appealed to here is heavily a White, Christian construct."
Islam is very heavy on "outward duty and responsibility" e.g. the mandatory payment of the 'zakat' tax by those who can afford it to finance 'good works' especially for the benefit of the poor. Buddhist ethics stress the importance of empathy of striving to help the underprivileged. On the other hand, it could be argued that the focus on the individual that Protestantism brought in was at the expense of that "outward duty and responsibility".
Well argued Caleb.
What a cynical piece! Certainly, we live in a changing world, in some ways for the better, and some not so. But there are constants, like valuing the human spirit, the dignity of our fellow humans, belief in democratic government and problem solving, nurturing kids, care for the elderly, respect for the law, pride in accomplishment. This is not to say that the human race, here and abroad, does not face big and growing challenges. We surely do, but they are of a difference to those mentioned here: exploitation of the Earth’s finite resources, over population, climate disruption, catastrophic global war. The global community must work for their resolution, but in the meantime appreciate our good fortune to be living in this time and place.
Interestingly, Article 3 of the 'official' version of the Treaty of Waitangi refers to "the rights and privileges of British subjects." It is only in the Kawharu back-translation of 'British tikanga' that I have read of "the same rights and duties of citizenship as the people of England."
Am I wrong to select just that piece of Kawharu's understanding of the Treaty? No, because we need to be doing what is tikanga for all of us now.
Hence the balanced rights and responsibilities indicated in this Article.
Further to Anon at 4.09am, I suggest that the sense of community survived urbanisation &, to a limited extent, globalisation, but the forced imposition of multiculturalisation is proving to be a step too far. Time to stop the rot: it starts at the top!
We have lived through the very best of times - but what did we do wrong that allowed all the well itemised arguments above to be promulgated ?
@ Barrie Davis 10:15am, Tikanga certainly existed in 1840, but it broadly concerned the proper, customary or accepted way of doing things.
It was not a single written constitution, nor was there one universally recognised authority capable of declaring what “tikanga for all New Zealanders” meant.
So if you say we must now interpret the Treaty according to “what is tikanga for all of us now”, the obvious question is: whose tikanga, determined by whom, and with what authority?
If the meaning of Article 3 is no longer determined by what the parties agreed in 1840, but by a modern and evolving concept of tikanga, why should that interpretation override the actual words of the Treaty?
@ Cara makes a good point. I''m reminded of the famous conclusions by Prof Robert Putnam's great book, 'Bowling Alone':
"inhabitants of diverse communities tend to withdraw from collective life, to distrust their neighbours, regardless of the colour of their skin, to withdraw even from close friends, to expect the worst from their community and its leaders, to volunteer less, give less to charity and work on community projects less often, to register to vote less"
In short, societal withdrawal and lower trust, which heavily underpins a lack of outward responsibility identified in this article. What we increasing have in NZ (and Europe) instead is autocratic multiculturalism. Social order cannot be maintained by relying on shared values (such as outward responsibility) and heritage. So instead the state must step in further and further to maintain order by essential multicultural propaganda and enforcement.
@ Barend as usual lives in his 'third world is actually better' slop theory.
Of course other cultures have concepts for responsibility, but not that the type identified here that literally built NZ. It is far more than donations to poor people, but a shared concern, action, and high trust. A relatively homogeneous, European culture built that here.
Even focusing on poverty, Islam and Buddhism didn't build the welfare state, Catholics and Protestants did. As they built Capitalism, which for all its faults is the single greatest mover of people from poverty.
The selfish "my rights" culture more prevalent in the West is heavily influenced by cultural Marxism - a distinctly anti-Christian theory.
One major world problem: the number of failed states, including most countries in Africa, a bunch in Central and South America, etc. NZ is mostly insulated from the failed-state problem in terms of immigration. Not sure why giving endless $ to failed states is always part of the solution. One actually could consider Maoridom as a series of failed states, propped up by treaty payments. Think any Political Scientist would make that argument?
@Barrie Davis 10:15am, When you say that “we need to be doing what is tikanga for all of us now”, do you mean this should extend to New Zealand's justice system and the way our courts interpret and apply the law? If so, who determines what that tikanga is?
Is it Parliament, the courts, appointed tikanga experts, particular iwi or hapū, or someone else?
And where is the democratic authority for one interpretation of an evolving and potentially contested body of customary principles to apply to every New Zealander?
Straw man alert: I don't recall ever saying that the "third world is better". Not sure what a 'slop theory' is........
You will find "shared concern, action, and high trust" in any number of cohesive societies going back centuries if not millennia. Depending on how one defines the 'welfare state' it could easily be argued that Islam beat the West to it by having a state-levied welfare tax that only the better-off had to pay.
The welfare state in the West came in after WW2 - a latecomer.
Secular Humanism promoted by John Dewey and others have cancelled out all traditional values , classical and Christian. Buddhist countries are renowned for many temples but a lack of practical amenities and why are oil rich Muslim countries not helping out poorer Muslim countries? I am very grateful as a woman to be living in a Western Country and not a Muslim one .
@Barend
Straw Man Response: Every single comment you say is about how other, third world cultures are wonderful and did things better and/or earlier.
And for the record, Otto von Bismarck established the world's first modern welfare state in the 1880s, not post WW2.
Islamic society a caring, welfare society? What a joke. Islamic states did, and still do, treat half their population (females) like shite. I've walked the modern streets in Amman and Beirut, watching shop keepers literally beat beggars.
And why is the world's hoardes trying to enter the West if they have such wonderful, caring cultures and welfare states back home?
This folks is what a mind looks like with liberal derangement syndrome.
>"Every single comment you say is about how other, third world cultures are wonderful and did things better and/or earlier."
False. I simply draw attention to inconsistencies in the standard narrative to the effect that all human progress has been attributable to Western innovations and that all non-Western cultures were in the category of savages before we enlightened them. I am the first to concede - with a measure of pride - that we upped the civilisation ante from about the late 18thC. But even in the 19thC a lot of pretty awful things were going on in Western society and it would be a toss-up as to whether, for instance, it was better to be poor and homeless in Victorian England or Saudi Arabia. People in glass houses must beware of throwing stones.
Definitions matter. One can define 'welfare state' in such a way that the first ones were Islamic (through zakat) or in such a way that Germany or Britain or anyone the speaker likes were the first. An instance of tautological reasoning.
The definition of 'third world' is a problem here too - Anon above seems to apply it to any Muslim country but it takes quite a stretch of the imagination to label e.g. Qatar as 'third world'.
The mass movement of young men from mostly Muslim developing countries (the poorer ones) to the West is an instance of economic opportunism and the impression that those young men have that 'anything goes' in the West especially when it comes to sex.
Anon seems to be suffering from a bout of Kruger-Dunning when s/he pretends to be my mind-reader. Anyone who has followed me over the years knows better.
I have to agree Barend posts excellent well thought pieces. unfortunately human beings tend to muddle their way through life and vary rarely do we act in our own best interests. Those (who I call " awake" ) to life are the ones who adapt and succeed.
Thank you Anon 955. You have a friend for life :))
Barend, you are welcome. Just keep posting. A lot of us enjoy your posts and get a lot of thought provoking education from you. I find now days very few people have the ability to get me thinking as we spiral down to the lefts ideal of below average .
You seem level headed and very balanced, unlike the vast majority.
You are also very fearless in your thought provoking pieces. A great quality imo.
Semantics is the tool of Leftist derangement, aka post-modernism. Everything is argued about words. Barend gets it wrong about the welfare state, so seeks to redefine it without an actual 'state'.
Even redefined, Barend keeps ignoring women - half the poor - in Islam, or the savagery of Wahhabism where theft gains you an amputated right hand and aristocratic economics rule. Poor in any century Saudi Arabia? Absolute viciousness.
Barend also ignores the 1600 Elizabethan Poor Laws or tithing from early Christianity.
Even the single freest, wealthiest, and safest civilisation (the modern West) earns "a measure of pride" whilst always having to negate in some way.
Why? His reflexive Third Worldism. A boomers White Guilt neurosis played out as intellectualism.
>"Barend gets it wrong about the welfare state, so seeks to redefine it without an actual 'state'."
Wrong. I made a case for Islam having created an early 'welfare state' on the basis of an Islamic state collecting 'zakat'. In Victorian England, 'welfare' was left to charitable organisations.
>"Barend keeps ignoring women - half the poor - in Islam"
They're also half the rich.
It might pay Anon 1028 to bear in mind that married Muslim women had more independent
property rights than English women did until the 20thC.
>"His reflexive Third Worldism"
I'm not sure what that means. I wonder whether the writer does. The term 'Third World' was, according to some sources, coined by Nehru for the non-aligned movement, but this is not settled.
>"A boomers White Guilt neurosis played out as intellectualism"
I have often commented sardonically in these annals on the White Guilt syndrome. I'm not one of them. I am a proud White man who gives full recognition to the role his race has played in bringing modernity to the world. But I am indeed an intellectual and strive to give credit where it is due outside that narrative as well.
10.28, why on earth would you blame barend for the disgraceful laws of a regime we have no control over.
You appear to want to tell us how to think. Im not buying it for a minute.
You appear to be stuck in victimhood.
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