The swap saw 26 individuals exchanged, including American journalist Evan Gershkovich, Russian opposition figure Vladimir Kara-Murza, and the German-convicted ‘Tiergarten murderer’ Vadim Krasikov.
Applebaum, a staff writer at The Atlantic and Pulitzer Prize-winning historian, has been sounding the alarm on the rise of authoritarianism for years, not least in her previous work Twilight of Democracy. In Autocracy, Inc., she broadens her scope, examining how disparate authoritarian regimes across the globe are working in concert to challenge democratic norms and institutions.
The prisoner swap illustrates several key themes from Applebaum’s analysis. By exchanging political prisoners and journalists for convicted criminals, these regimes exploit Western values, manipulating our concern for human rights to secure the release of their agents. The inclusion of Krasikov, convicted of an assassination on German soil, also sends a chilling message about the reach of these autocracies and their disregard for international norms.
But this event is just one example of a much wider phenomenon. Applebaum details how regimes as diverse as Iran, Venezuela and China collaborate in ways that seemed unthinkable not long ago. She cites instances of Iranian drones being used in Russia’s war against Ukraine, Venezuelan oil being traded to circumvent sanctions, and China’s provision of surveillance technology to authoritarian governments worldwide.
These autocracies, Applebaum argues, are creating a parallel system to the liberal international order – an order they wish to disestablish and replace. They share resources, technology, methods of repression, and propaganda. For instance, she describes how regimes from Russia to Saudi Arabia have adopted techniques for controlling the internet, first perfected in China.
Applebaum’s work provides a comprehensive framework for understanding these interconnected challenges. She argues that the West has been slow to recognise the scale and sophistication of the autocratic threat, often treating incidents as isolated rather than part of a coordinated strategy. This failure to grasp the bigger picture has allowed autocracies to exploit weaknesses in democratic systems and international institutions.
The book explores how autocracies have weaponised corruption, turning it into a tool of foreign policy. By funnelling money through Western financial systems and real estate markets, these regimes not only launder their ill-gotten gains but also compromise democratic institutions from within. This financial infiltration, Applebaum argues, has far-reaching consequences, influencing policy decisions and eroding public trust in democratic processes.
Applebaum also scrutinises the role of technology in the autocratic playbook. She highlights how social media platforms and other technology innovations, once hailed as tools of democratisation, have become powerful instruments of control and manipulation in the hands of authoritarian regimes. Exporting these technologies to other autocracies creates a self-reinforcing cycle of repression and information control.
Applebaum’s exploration of Russia’s interference in Western politics through state-funded media outlets like RT News echoes concerns often raised in this column. In “From Russia, with an agenda” (29 June 2021), for example, I touched on this issue.
Applebaum goes further. She details how autocracies have developed sophisticated disinformation campaigns that extend far beyond traditional media. She describes China’s “50 Cent Army” of online commentators flooding social media with pro-regime narratives. She also exposes Russia’s Internet Research Agency creating fake personas and groups to sow discord in Western democracies.
These efforts, Applebaum argues, go beyond mere propaganda. They aim to erode the very concept of objective truth in public discourse.
Applebaum dedicates a good part of her book to the phenomenon she calls “autocracy promotion”. It refers to regimes like Russia and China actively supporting illiberal leaders and movements within democracies.
Such support extends beyond financial means. It includes ideological and tactical guidance. For example, Chinese officials offer training in internet censorship and surveillance to counterparts in countries like Vietnam and Tanzania. Indeed, it explains the behaviour of figures like Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in relation to NATO and the EU – again, an issue I explored earlier (“Who needs enemies when you have friends like Orbán and Erdoğan?”, 9 August 2022).
Applebaum counts the myriad ways in which autocracies exploit the openness of democratic societies for their advantages. For instance, she describes how the Chinese government has used Confucius Institutes in Western universities to exert soft power and suppress criticism of China.
She details how Russian oligarchs have used philanthropic donations to gain influence in Western cultural and academic institutions. She also explains how autocracies use foreign political parties to sow division and create political chaos (again, a familiar theme for readers of this column, for example, in “The far-right European pawns in Putin’s game”, 4 April 2023).
The implications of this autocratic collaboration extend far beyond individual incidents like the recent prisoner swap. She points to the growing influence of autocracies in international bodies like the United Nations, where they work to redefine concepts of human rights and sovereignty to suit their purposes.
For example, Applebaum describes how China has successfully promoted its concept of “sovereignty” at the UN. She details how they use the idea of a “multi-polar” world to counter international accountability mechanisms on human rights abuses, effectively arguing that they are a relic from a past Western-dominated era.
Applebaum’s insights are relevant in New Zealand, even if some of us might feel removed from these geopolitical struggles. That is because the challenge to liberal democracy is global, affecting every country. Whether through economic coercion, information warfare, or the erosion of international norms, the actions of these autocratic regimes have far-reaching consequences.
As events like last week’s prisoner swap demonstrate, the challenges Applebaum describes are not theoretical future concerns, but present-day realities shaping our world.
If you want to understand them better, Autocracy, Inc. is a must-read.
Dr Oliver Hartwich is the Executive Director of The New Zealand Initiative think tank. This article was first published HERE.
Applebaum, a staff writer at The Atlantic and Pulitzer Prize-winning historian, has been sounding the alarm on the rise of authoritarianism for years, not least in her previous work Twilight of Democracy. In Autocracy, Inc., she broadens her scope, examining how disparate authoritarian regimes across the globe are working in concert to challenge democratic norms and institutions.
The prisoner swap illustrates several key themes from Applebaum’s analysis. By exchanging political prisoners and journalists for convicted criminals, these regimes exploit Western values, manipulating our concern for human rights to secure the release of their agents. The inclusion of Krasikov, convicted of an assassination on German soil, also sends a chilling message about the reach of these autocracies and their disregard for international norms.
But this event is just one example of a much wider phenomenon. Applebaum details how regimes as diverse as Iran, Venezuela and China collaborate in ways that seemed unthinkable not long ago. She cites instances of Iranian drones being used in Russia’s war against Ukraine, Venezuelan oil being traded to circumvent sanctions, and China’s provision of surveillance technology to authoritarian governments worldwide.
These autocracies, Applebaum argues, are creating a parallel system to the liberal international order – an order they wish to disestablish and replace. They share resources, technology, methods of repression, and propaganda. For instance, she describes how regimes from Russia to Saudi Arabia have adopted techniques for controlling the internet, first perfected in China.
Applebaum’s work provides a comprehensive framework for understanding these interconnected challenges. She argues that the West has been slow to recognise the scale and sophistication of the autocratic threat, often treating incidents as isolated rather than part of a coordinated strategy. This failure to grasp the bigger picture has allowed autocracies to exploit weaknesses in democratic systems and international institutions.
The book explores how autocracies have weaponised corruption, turning it into a tool of foreign policy. By funnelling money through Western financial systems and real estate markets, these regimes not only launder their ill-gotten gains but also compromise democratic institutions from within. This financial infiltration, Applebaum argues, has far-reaching consequences, influencing policy decisions and eroding public trust in democratic processes.
Applebaum also scrutinises the role of technology in the autocratic playbook. She highlights how social media platforms and other technology innovations, once hailed as tools of democratisation, have become powerful instruments of control and manipulation in the hands of authoritarian regimes. Exporting these technologies to other autocracies creates a self-reinforcing cycle of repression and information control.
Applebaum’s exploration of Russia’s interference in Western politics through state-funded media outlets like RT News echoes concerns often raised in this column. In “From Russia, with an agenda” (29 June 2021), for example, I touched on this issue.
Applebaum goes further. She details how autocracies have developed sophisticated disinformation campaigns that extend far beyond traditional media. She describes China’s “50 Cent Army” of online commentators flooding social media with pro-regime narratives. She also exposes Russia’s Internet Research Agency creating fake personas and groups to sow discord in Western democracies.
These efforts, Applebaum argues, go beyond mere propaganda. They aim to erode the very concept of objective truth in public discourse.
Applebaum dedicates a good part of her book to the phenomenon she calls “autocracy promotion”. It refers to regimes like Russia and China actively supporting illiberal leaders and movements within democracies.
Such support extends beyond financial means. It includes ideological and tactical guidance. For example, Chinese officials offer training in internet censorship and surveillance to counterparts in countries like Vietnam and Tanzania. Indeed, it explains the behaviour of figures like Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in relation to NATO and the EU – again, an issue I explored earlier (“Who needs enemies when you have friends like Orbán and Erdoğan?”, 9 August 2022).
Applebaum counts the myriad ways in which autocracies exploit the openness of democratic societies for their advantages. For instance, she describes how the Chinese government has used Confucius Institutes in Western universities to exert soft power and suppress criticism of China.
She details how Russian oligarchs have used philanthropic donations to gain influence in Western cultural and academic institutions. She also explains how autocracies use foreign political parties to sow division and create political chaos (again, a familiar theme for readers of this column, for example, in “The far-right European pawns in Putin’s game”, 4 April 2023).
The implications of this autocratic collaboration extend far beyond individual incidents like the recent prisoner swap. She points to the growing influence of autocracies in international bodies like the United Nations, where they work to redefine concepts of human rights and sovereignty to suit their purposes.
For example, Applebaum describes how China has successfully promoted its concept of “sovereignty” at the UN. She details how they use the idea of a “multi-polar” world to counter international accountability mechanisms on human rights abuses, effectively arguing that they are a relic from a past Western-dominated era.
Applebaum’s insights are relevant in New Zealand, even if some of us might feel removed from these geopolitical struggles. That is because the challenge to liberal democracy is global, affecting every country. Whether through economic coercion, information warfare, or the erosion of international norms, the actions of these autocratic regimes have far-reaching consequences.
As events like last week’s prisoner swap demonstrate, the challenges Applebaum describes are not theoretical future concerns, but present-day realities shaping our world.
If you want to understand them better, Autocracy, Inc. is a must-read.
Dr Oliver Hartwich is the Executive Director of The New Zealand Initiative think tank. This article was first published HERE.
3 comments:
If they were efficient autocracies Oliver surely they would have offered Jacinda
a top job by now?
How do you know they haven't?
Nothing changes. Once the ultimate autocrat was the Pope. But the rot set in when Henry VIII couldn't get his leg over Anne Boleyn. Funny how empires are often toppled by what start out as insignificant events. I wonder what Putin's Boleyn moment will be.
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