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Monday, July 8, 2024

Brendan O'Neill: The true story of this election? Populism is here to stay


British voters are wriggling out of the straitjacket of elite consensus opinion. It is wonderful to witness.

There has been an earthquake in British politics, reporters say. Everyone from the Guardian to the Sun to CNN is reaching for the metaphor of shifting tectonic plates to describe Labour’s victory over the Tories in the General Election. And in a sense they’re right. The political ground has shaken. Rumblings have been felt. But it wasn’t drab, grey Labour that did it – it was the millions of voters who rejected both Labour and the Tories and in the process delivered one of the most devastating sucker punches to the political duopoly in decades.

To see the true quake, you need to look beyond Labour’s mirage-like landslide. As is now becoming clear, Labour has not been swept to power on anything like a wave of public enthusiasm. On the contrary, it won its 412 seats on the second lowest electoral turnout since 1885, and more as a result of people’s exhaustion with the Tories than their love for Sir Keir. No, it is those who refused to vote Labour who have brilliantly unsettled British politics. It is those who took a punt on Nigel Farage’s Reform party who have planted a bomb in the political landscape that will not be easily defused.

For me, the most fascinating stat of the election is the share of the vote received by Labour and the Tories. Labour won around 34 per cent of vote, the Tories around 24 per cent. Let’s leave to one side what a lame landslide it is if only 34 per cent of the people who could be bothered to vote put an X in your box. More striking is the fact that the combined vote share of Labour and the Tories, the parties that have dominated British politics for a century, was 58 per cent. That is staggeringly – and, if you will allow me, hilariously – low.

To put it in historical context: at the last General Election, in 2019, their combined vote share was 75.8 per cent. In 2017 it was even higher: 82.4 per cent. In the elections of the 2000s it hovered around 70 per cent. Why has it now dropped to less than 60 per cent, giving rise to the possibility that in the next few years the two parties that have run this country for decades might see their combined vote drop to less than half of all votes cast? Largely, because of Reform. And a few independents, too. Reform’s vote share is around 14 per cent, enough to shatter the Labour / Tory duopoly and to unravel the two big parties’ arrogant belief that they and they alone have a right to rule.

The speedy turnaround of the Reform revolt was extraordinary. It was only a few weeks ago that Farage ditched his plans to go to America to assist the Trump campaign and instead decided to become leader of Reform. He has now been elected MP for Clacton. Reform has won four seats in total. What’s shocking is that the Liberal Democrats won 71 seats despite getting fewer votes than Reform. The Lib Dems got around 12 per cent of the vote, to Reform’s 14 per cent. That the democratically less popular party of the two will wield far greater power in the Commons is a testament to how busted our first-past-the-post electoral system is. This is unsustainable. It is outright undemocratic.

And yet, even without the parliamentary representation their vote share deserves, Reform has struck a blow for democracy. Their voters, in thinking for themselves and rejecting both the Labour and Tory variety of technocracy, have forcefully created a new opening in political life. They have burst a few of the buckles on the political straitjacket that is our two-party system. The last time this happened was with Farage’s UK Independence Party, in the 2015 General Election, when it won 12.6 per cent of the vote, reducing the Tory / Labour vote share to 67.3 per cent. But where UKIP was mostly a one-issue party, dedicated to getting Britain out of the EU, Reform has broader policy goals. The millions of working-class people who voted for it are saying something very clear indeed: ‘We want something different.’

Labour’s naff, Obama-lite slogan was ‘Change’. But little will change under Labour. It will be the same shit, different suit. The people who really voted for change were the masses who opted for Reform. They have voted for a party that rejects Net Zero, which is sceptical of hate-speech laws, which absolutely does not long to rejoin the EU, and which knows – brace yourselves – that if you have balls you are not a woman. The significance of this cannot be overstated: many, many Brits have voted to overturn almost every facet of elite consensus opinion, from green hysteria to trans mania. Now that’s ‘change’.

The true story of the election is that populism isn’t going anywhere. Those who thought Labour would soar to power and swiftly euthanise the post-Brexit rumblings of the pesky masses have had a rude awakening this morning. Labour is in charge, sure, but on the basis of a largely accidental landslide. And nipping at its heels is a very big section of the public who outright reject the political ideas, moral crusades and green lunacy of the establishment. Will this populist pushback grow? I think it will. Voters have made it abundantly clear in this election that the duopoly is not the only game in town. That the ruling class is not a forever thing. That other voices can burst through, bit by bit. Both the elites and ordinary people will be clocking this development, the former with dread, the latter with fascination.

Brendan O’Neill is spiked’s chief political writer and blogs regularly on Spiked where this article was sourced.

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