Robinson starts with a stark assertion: “By its actions, New Zealand is a racist state.” He provides evidence that we are a divided nation, with a BIG LIE at the centre of much of what we believe about ourselves. As I have done in my previous books, Robinson denounces the concept of race and questions the definitions of the social constructs of ‘Maori’ and ‘Indigenous’.
Robinson closely analyses the content and meaning of the 1840 James Busby English draft of the Treaty of Waitangi. He lists numerous examples of various tribes engaging in activities that contravened the Treaty, revealing who and what truly breached the agreement.
My initial impression of the book is that Robinson offers a new perspective on our history; one that is closer to actual events and likely to be very controversial.
Robinson’s main argument is that funding biased academics to distort historical events and fabricate acts of oppression against the Maori race has created a ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’ situation. This involves social constructs, deception, and the gullibility of the New Zealand public. In this book, Robinson exposes these fabrications, positioning himself as the speaker of an innocent truth. He draws parallels between the Big Lies, deception and gullibility imposed on the New Zealand public and the indoctrination of the German people by the Nazis. Once you read Robinson’s truth, it cannot be unread. Be warned: this book will anger you.
Robinson argues that, rather than being oppressed by the government, some tribes were often the oppressors. He cites leaders such as Te Rauparaha, Te Rangihaeta, and Hone Heke, who went unpunished for treasonous acts. He lists, over two and a half pages, the names of settlers in Taranaki whose homes and outbuildings were burned by rebels who received no punishment; the settlers receiving no compensation from the Crown.
Compensation (money and extra rights) to anyone other than Maori in New Zealand would be considered racist by mainstream media, academia, and many politicians. Robinson outlines seven examples of Treaty breaches, mostly involving rebels rising against the sovereignty established by the 1840 Treaty. He notes that these rebels were a small minority, yet their legacy persists, including the existence of the Maori King.
Robinson concludes the book with an analysis of where our nation is headed and the potential consequences if we do not halt this slide into apartheid and the belief in what he calls “The Big Lie”.
At his book launch in Kapiti, I asked Robinson if he believes the Government is breaching Article Three of the Treaty by granting separate and additional rights to people who identify as Maori. He agreed. However, those granted these separate rights are unlikely to challenge this breach, and the deceived and gullible public have been taught that this is the New Zealand way – until we change it.
Robinson includes, in that change, disestablishing the Waitangi Tribunal; removing the Treaty from legislation; ending treaty settlements; and withdrawing from the 2001 United Nations Commission on Human Rights resolution and the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Robinson closely analyses the content and meaning of the 1840 James Busby English draft of the Treaty of Waitangi. He lists numerous examples of various tribes engaging in activities that contravened the Treaty, revealing who and what truly breached the agreement.
My initial impression of the book is that Robinson offers a new perspective on our history; one that is closer to actual events and likely to be very controversial.
Robinson’s main argument is that funding biased academics to distort historical events and fabricate acts of oppression against the Maori race has created a ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’ situation. This involves social constructs, deception, and the gullibility of the New Zealand public. In this book, Robinson exposes these fabrications, positioning himself as the speaker of an innocent truth. He draws parallels between the Big Lies, deception and gullibility imposed on the New Zealand public and the indoctrination of the German people by the Nazis. Once you read Robinson’s truth, it cannot be unread. Be warned: this book will anger you.
Robinson argues that, rather than being oppressed by the government, some tribes were often the oppressors. He cites leaders such as Te Rauparaha, Te Rangihaeta, and Hone Heke, who went unpunished for treasonous acts. He lists, over two and a half pages, the names of settlers in Taranaki whose homes and outbuildings were burned by rebels who received no punishment; the settlers receiving no compensation from the Crown.
Compensation (money and extra rights) to anyone other than Maori in New Zealand would be considered racist by mainstream media, academia, and many politicians. Robinson outlines seven examples of Treaty breaches, mostly involving rebels rising against the sovereignty established by the 1840 Treaty. He notes that these rebels were a small minority, yet their legacy persists, including the existence of the Maori King.
Robinson concludes the book with an analysis of where our nation is headed and the potential consequences if we do not halt this slide into apartheid and the belief in what he calls “The Big Lie”.
At his book launch in Kapiti, I asked Robinson if he believes the Government is breaching Article Three of the Treaty by granting separate and additional rights to people who identify as Maori. He agreed. However, those granted these separate rights are unlikely to challenge this breach, and the deceived and gullible public have been taught that this is the New Zealand way – until we change it.
Robinson includes, in that change, disestablishing the Waitangi Tribunal; removing the Treaty from legislation; ending treaty settlements; and withdrawing from the 2001 United Nations Commission on Human Rights resolution and the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Who Really Broke the Treaty? John Robinson, Tross Publishing, 158 pages, illustrated, $35 (including postage), available at www.trosspublishing.com or trosspub@gmail.com.
Andy Oakley is a national manager in one of the country’s largest mechanical companies and has been involved in the HEVAC, smoke control and construction industry for more than 35 years. He is also the author of Cannons Creek to Waitangi, a book that details how and why he made a treaty claim to the Waitangi Tribunal. This article was first published HERE
8 comments:
French Polynesia demonstrates where we are heading.
My take on it is that the tribes that went to war against the British in post-Treaty times broke the Treaty by committing treason against the sovereign power established by the Treaty. Ther are so many reasons against the Treaty being used as an excuse to set up co-governance and to concoct something called "The Principles of the Treaty" that one wonders why so much time is spent discussing what seems to be a dead issue.
From the racist woke half of New Zealand they never let facts and evidence get in the way of cultural bullshit and the imagined native utopia with no cannibalism, slavery, tribal warfare or Utu. Kiwialan.
What happened to the Patupaiarehe and the Waitaha people? The tribalistic Maori, just like the pakeha, were johnny-cum-latelys to the land now known as New Zealand, (though you would not think it, would you)! Thank you, John. Your book will be a great addition to my bookshelf.
Kevan
Sounds like a must read - as with all Dr Robinson's books.
Too much of the corruption of the past has been let slide and it's time this all was brought into the daylight.
Those past wrong-doings by Maori and the turning of a blind-eye by the colonists have a distinct air of familiarity with the part-Maori perpetrated crime of today and with much of it going without appropriate penalty and certainly little if any compensation.
It's way past time for a great many New Zealanders to understand their history and call out the woke BS that is so often espoused by the likes of the part-Maori opportunists of this world, e.g. Jackson, Morgan, Tamihere, Waititi, Ngarewa-Packer, along with a host of typically female academics, et al.
There was some interest in the Littlewood document - which must
undeniably be the final draft of the Treaty - in the early 1990s, and
reference to it appeared in an Archives New Zealand internal newsletter
in 2000. It appears however that the political implications of the
document were recognised early on. This is understandable, as the
acceptance of it would overturn the Treaty industry that has been
developing since 1975. A number of well-known Treaty historians
downplayed it and were reluctant to make any public assessment. For
them to do so would need them to reject much of their work, at the risk
of losing their credibility. In the time of the Clarke government, it
was regarded as a matter for the Minister of Maori Affairs. In a letter
of March 2005 the then-Minister dismissed the Littlewood document as a
back-translation and stated that the Maori version 'would take
precedence because it bests reflects the understanding of the Maori
chiefs who signed it.' As with those academics and historians who
have been pushing a particular line for nigh on 50 years, it could be
expected that Maoridom would also actively suppress or reject the
notion that 'their' treaty interpretation is incorrect.
Because there is no accepted draft in the English language that shows
what Hobson was wanting to achieve and what he instructed the
Williams's to translate into Maori, the 'official' Maori version in the
Treaty of Waitangi Act has been able to be interpreted by Maori
activists with little challenge. Words and phrases appear to have been
(and are being) interpreted solely for the purpose of extending Maori
demands. Historians, academics and activists who have pursued the
now-embedded mantra about what the Treaty did and how it should be
applied are unlikely to voluntarily overturn their long-held beliefs.
The inconsistencies between the two 'official' versions of the Treaty
and the ability of the Waitangi Tribunal to apply any interpretation
it chooses to the meaning of the Treaty will never allow the present
debates to be voluntarily resolved.
There will likely be growing resentment and disquiet over increasing
Maori power and influence, embodied in the notions espoused in He
Puapua. We are in the throws of a long, carefully managed
programme to overturn our nation. There must be a fully impartial and
independent examination into the Littlewood Treaty and its
implications. This can not be left to the Waitangi Tribunal or Ministry
of Maori Development to adjudicate. Such inquiry needs to be made
urgently, before it is too late to correct the direction the country is
being pushed down by Maori and non-Maori activists. The implications of
not doing so are dire, and the bi-government model floated in He
Puapua will be achieved.
If David Seymour is serious about revisiting the Treaty and the tribunal, this may be a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to settle the
divisive 'dual treaty' situation we have and to recognise officially
that the 'Littlewood Treaty' is the real treaty in english. After all,
it mirrors the Maori treaty. The current official Treaty in English is
not a back translation of the Maori document but is a fabricated
concotion by Hobson's secretary. The fact that Maori scholars with a
vested interest in maintaining the status quo have taken a liberty of
putting words into translations that are not there needs to be
recognised and the true english text put into the Act.
If He Puapua is explained to people outside NZ, they are puzzled - then they say: Absurd.
Yet NZ could easily change into a re-tribalized ethnocracy with untouchable Maori privilege and final veto authority of all laws....
Why? Because not enough people woke up in time and refused this process.
Time is fast running out.
Passage from John’s book, Who really broke the Treaty.
Settlements are no longer for breaches of the treaty, but settlements for everyone, Handouts are now given to every Iwi across the country, without regard to past history.
Ngati Tahu and Waikato-Tainui settlements included a Relativity Mechanism, which ensure a retrospective top-up every 5 years based on the value of all treaty settlements, so that the real value of their settlements remain at 16% and 17% respectively.
In December 2012 this resulted in a ‘top-up’ payment of $68.5 million to Nagai Tahu and $70 million to Waikato-Tainui.
Five years later, the top-up payments were $180 million and $190 million respectively.
Yes, this book will make you ANGRY!!
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